No 2 (116) (2023)
Articles
Italy in the Rome – Paris – Berlin Triangle
Abstract
In November 2021 Italy and France signed the Quirinal Treaty for a Strengthened Bilateral Cooperation. The document suggested the emergence of the Rome - Paris - Berlin triangle following the Aachen Treaty concluded in 2019 between France and Germany. The Quirinal Treaty has a high significance for Italy. Firstly, it secures its place among the leaders of the EU. Secondly, the Treaty strengthens Rome's credibility, portraying Italy as a trustworthy country. Thirdly, the agreement lays the basis for regular bilateral interaction. In the absence of hard commitments fulfillment of the Treaty depends on domestic affairs and international agenda of the political leaders. The volatility of Italian politics may affect the integrity of the alliance. There has been a dramatic change of attitude to the Quirinal Treaty under the premiership of G. Meloni, which has a direct impact on its implementation. At the same time the Quirinal Treaty fails to resolve some serious differences between the two countries, including the Libyan case and the migration issue. Moreover, this bilateral agreement threatens to place Rome in a subordinate position. In the current political configuration France is at an advantage in light of concluded treaties with both Italy and Germany.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):5-18
5-18
Arctic science diplomacy of the Nordic Countries
Abstract
Arctic science diplomacy (ASD) is one of the innovative tools for promoting a positive image of the state and building strong international partnerships in the region. This study aims to identify common and distinctive features of Swedish, Finnish, Norwegian, Icelandic and Danish ASDs. The article analyses the motivation and main priorities of the Nordic ASD both at the national and regional levels. The state of the ASD infrastructure in each of the Nordic countries is also described. The Nordic states seek to coordinate their Arctic research and create joint structures for these purposes. Since Denmark, Finland and Sweden are the EU members, The Nordic countries are actively using the financial, organizational and intellectual resources of the EU to increase the effectiveness of their ASD. A common feature for all five Nordic countries is also the close attention they pay to ASD as part of their polar strategies. The Nordic countries focus on the ASD since they have much less economic, geopolitical and military resources than such "Arctic giants" than the United States, Canada and Russia. The article also indicates that with the start of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine, scientific cooperation between the Nordic countries and Russia has been significantly reduced on the initiative of these states. This has further complicated the situation in the Arctic region.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):19-32
19-32
Iceland and China: Strategic Partnership in the Arctic and Euro-Atlantic
Abstract
The article analyses the development of China-Iceland relations which led to a full-scale political and economic partnership between the two countries, the current issues in Chinese policies towards Iceland, its plans to use the island as a starting point for expansion in Europe, Atlantic and Arctic regions. The paper explores the interests of the two states, stages of development of their relations, recent development with China's return to Iceland after three years of the pandemic, and Chinese intentions to enhance the partnership in order to extend its influence in Arctics and Euro-Atlantics. This analysis sheds light on the Chinese policy in the Arctic which is important for the future of Russo-Chinese relations in the region, and on how the Chinese entrenchment in Northern Europe may change the balance of power and interest not only in the Arctic, but in the Euro-Atlantic region. The article reveals that China, as a non-Arctic state, is striving to intensify cooperation with Iceland, but the relations in recent years have begun to sour both due to the pressure from the United States and the EU, as well as pandemic restrictions. Despite Iceland's tense relations with the European partners and the United States and the active assistance of China, in the future Iceland may be inclined to choose the United States as a strategic partner.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):33-48
33-48
The Central Asian Direction of French Foreign Policy (1992-2022)
Abstract
From the moment of the collapse of the USSR to the present days France showed interest in building relations with the countries of Central Asia in a wide range of areas of interaction. France was one of the first European states to recognize the independence of the new republics. The article is aimed to expand knowledge about French policy in Central Asia and the factors that determine the interest of Paris in the Eurasian region. In the context of the transformation of the world order and global geopolitical tensions France's capabilities are narrowing which encourages Paris to pursue a proactive foreign policy on the Central Asian track. At the same time the place of France's ideological and value rhetoric in its foreign policy in the Central Asian countries is gradually occupied by economic reasonability. France's interests in the region are focused on energy resources and Afghan issues. France's efforts are aimed at reducing the dependence of Central Asian countries on Russia and China. It is concluded that France is strengthening the economic dimension of its foreign policy in Central Asia with an emphasis on expanding cooperation with the two leading countries of the region - Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):49-58
49-58
Modernisation of crisis response at global and regional levels
Abstract
The author examines the peacekeeping practice in terms of new instruments of crisis response (special political and stabilization missions and operations) used by the UN, the EU and OAU. The study focuses on the problems connected with the extended use of the UN and EU's stabilization operations aimed at combating terrorism, assuring security in the crisis regions, as well as with the provision of assistance to the host countries. It is revealed that political and stabilization missions could become prospective instruments of crisis response due to their maximum adaptation to modern challenges of global and regional security and stability. High level of coordination among UN, EU and other regional organizations in planning and implementation of these operations is a necessary precondition for effectiveness of these missions and operations. Creation of a global platform for joint operative response to extraordinary and complex crisis situations comprising the UN, EU, OSCE G20 and other regional organizations could be a major step in this respect. The platform could be also used for the development of confidence-building measures providing a high degree of transparency in military activities of different states and regional organizations; for prevention of conflicts and reaching a diplomatic solution. Establishing regional platforms for regulation of local conflicts in the regions with a high probability of crisis situations like the Middle East, the Persian Gulf, Africa, Afghanistan and the Central Asia, the Far East could also contribute to global security and stability.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):59-72
59-72
The phenomenon of unfriendly multilateralism inside the “collective” West
Abstract
The article examines the evolution of multilateralism on the examples of its unfriendly variety in political sphere. The study focuses not on the relations between the West and non-West, but on the situation inside the former. The examples of unfriendly multilateral structures are AUKUS and the Partners in the Blue Pacific. They are aimed not only at containing China but also at limiting the strategic penetration of Germany and France in the Indo-Pacific region. Concentrating on these examples, the article explores the key reason for the tendency, using the concept of the world-system theory for Euro-Atlantic community and the “collective” West. The core of Anglo-Saxon countries led by the USA and the UK has been strongly concerned of the growing strategic autonomy of the semi-periphery. Its key elements are France and Germany. The study demonstrates the differences between leadership styles, hard and soft hegemony in the US foreign policy as a reaction to the relations between the core and the semi-periphery. It also covers German approach to the EU strategic autonomy in conjunction with Europeanization of NATO and its activities in various fields. One of the conclusions is the absence of examples of unfriendly multilateralism toward the Western partners in policy of key semi-periphery actors.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):73-86
73-86
French Defense Policy: “The Copernican Revolution” or Business as Usual?
Abstract
The article examines the main trends in French defense policy at the beginning of Emmanuel Macron’s second presidential term. Throughout 2022 he made a number of statements announcing the «Copernican revolution» in defense including the transition to a war economy. However, the scale and pace of these changes are not as tremendous as it could seem at first glance. In particular, one of the basics of French defense doctrine is strengthening solidarity within the Western camp, the perception of European defense integration as an integral part of NATO. Some increase in defense budget is planned, which, nevertheless, will take place according to a long-planned schedule and not in such massive volumes as in Germany. Paris expects to maintain its presence in various regions of the world: for example, in Africa, where a new strategy will be developed after the end of the operation «Barkhane», and in Eastern Europe due to a relocation of French units and weapons there against the background of the conflict in Ukraine. The author concludes that French defense policy is experiencing the adaptation rather than a real revolution, keeping the continuity in all major aspects. In terms of Russia-France relations, it is a negative trend, since the Fifth Republic couples its policy with the membership in the collective West to an even greater extent than before, which further narrows the room for dialogue.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):87-99
87-99
Federal spending planning in Germany: accuracy of projections
Abstract
The article considers the decrease in the reliability of expenditures’ budgeting in Germany that has occurred in recent years. The author used the data on the formation and execution of a five-year financial plan for 2017-2021. The comparison of this plan with its execution was carried out in four profiles: total expenses by functional classification, total expenses by economic classification, current expenses by functional classification, capital expenses by functional classification. Using the same methodology, the author previously compared plans for 2002-2006, 2007-2011, 2012-2016 with their execution. The results of the calculations made it possible to identify areas with increased and decreased accuracy of budget planning, key areas of significant overspending of budget funds in 2020-2021 and reasons for the deviations. In addition, the author analysed the most important consequence of the deterioration in the accuracy of budget projections - the return to the deficit and net borrowings of the federal budget. The dynamics of expenses, net borrowings and the ratio of net borrowing to expenses in 2002-2021 and a plan for these parameters for 2022-2026 are presented. Based on the data reviewed, a conclusion was drawn about the critical importance of 2023 for restoring the lost reliability of federal spending planning.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):100-115
100-115
The role of inflation in the UK economy in the post-pandemic era
Abstract
The paper focuses on the specific nature of the inflation process and a set of anti-inflation policies in the United Kingdom in 2021-2022. Based on the analysis of the economic literature, speeches given by the central bank’s staff, official documents and statistical data the author discusses the implicit transition in the regulation approaches used by HM Treasury and the Bank of England. There is some evidence that the cost-of-living crisis as a part of the inflation problem gets a top priority in the post-pandemic era. The government addresses this issue mainly through the income redistribution and benefits and financial support for lower income households. With regard to the inflation problem per se, the official approach implies the shift from monetary to fiscal tools. It means the expanding use of automatic stabilizers through increasing taxes and NICs in accordance with the IMF recommendations. Meanwhile, the Bank of England’s measures are more consistent with the task of financing the government’s borrowing than maintaining the price stability. These findings highlight the rising role of the state in the UK economy. The paper concludes with some comments regarding the split within the conservative party over the marked shifts in the monetary and fiscal policy.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):116-130
116-130
Reformatting the Russian monetary system in modern conditions
Abstract
The article considers the question of possible ways of transformation of the Russian monetary system in modern conditions. Currently, Russia is facing tough economic and political sanctions, which encourage it to introduce fundamental structural reforms in all areas of the economy. The situation in which our country finds itself requires an adequate response in order to preserve economic sovereignty. It is required to restructure the monetary system in such a way that the economy is focused on using mainly its own resources. Modern theories of money could be the theoretical foundation for the upcoming transformations. The study concentrates on the Modern monetary Theory (MMT) and its possible implementation in the Russian economy. The interest that has arisen in this non-orthodox theory is due to many reasons, but the main one is that the monetary institutions of the leading countries of the world can no longer implement the previous monetary policy in order to stimulate economic growth. Scientists evaluate this theory ambiguously, and many researchers believe that its main provisions are divorced from economic realities, contradictory and, therefore, not acceptable as instruments of macroeconomic policy. The author's stance is that the main provisions are applicable in the Russian economy. Mainly, the idea of the sovereignty of the national currency is understood as the possibility of issuing money without regard to global financial institutions such as the IMF and the size of gold and foreign exchange reserves. As a result, this theory requires a deeper study of the influence of monetary emission on economic processes.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):131-141
131-141
Russia and European Countries: statistical assessment of differences in the level of gender differentiation
Abstract
The article provides a comprehensive statistical assessment of the level of gender differentiation in Russia and European countries. A consolidated rating of the level of gender differentiation has been developed, calculated as the sum of a country's ranks in three indices: gender inequality (GII), gender social norms (GSNI) and Women, Business and the Law (WBL). The countries have been ranked based on this rating. An in-depth analysis of the constituent elements of each index was made. The positions of the Russian Federation were compared with those of the European countries, leading in the ranking. The main sources of information for the calculations were the statistical data of the United Nations, the World Bank, and the demographic statistics of Rosstat. It has been established that the Russian Federation should strengthen legal protection in the field of gender. Measures have been proposed to help reduce gender inequality. They have been tested on the basis of a quantitative assessment of the forecast level of the Women, Business and Law index for the Russian Federation.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):142-156
142-156
Meritocracy in focus of scientific controversy: catholic church and italian intellectuals
Abstract
The article deals with the analysis of the arguments used by Italian intellectuals, Church hierarchies, clergy representatives, professors of Catholic universities to explain their attitude to the idea of meritocracy, its prospects and restrictions. The fight against corruption and undeserved privileges is particularly relevant in today's Italy with its traditions of clientelism, nepotism and family ties. At the center of the scientific dispute there are two "sites": the Catholic University of Milan "Sacro Cuore" and the newspaper of the Italian episcopate "Avvenire." During the public discussions, views in defense and against the "merit society" were expressed and argued. Advocates of meritocracy believe that this model will make Italy more modern and competitive, will allow to build a fairer society. Opponents, on the contrary, consider this concept an ideological justification for inequality and a "direct antithesis of democracy." In the future, this situation can cause increased social tension, frustration and deep social pessimism. Catholic thinkers presented the theological examination of "meritocracy". They explained that the Church's moral teaching considers the principle of "retributive" or rewarding justice as unjust and dangerous. The author comes to the conclusion that the polarity of opinions is explained by the conflict of ideological, religious and worldview attitudes of Italian intellectuals, who are not ready to hear the arguments of the opposing side. The stance of the clergy on meritocracy can be explained in the light of the Church's magisterium on the common good, rights and dignity of the person.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):157-168
157-168
Challenges to freedom of religion or belief in the European multicultural context (the case of religious education)
Abstract
The article analyses a new perspective to the religious factor in the public sphere on the example of religious education in public schools, suggested by the international Research Project Atlas of Religious or Belief Minorities Rights in the EU. The author underlines the high level of the theoretical, methodological and practical research of the Project Atlas. The article aims to outline the main trends, innovations and perspectives of the religious education in public schools, using the results and recommendations of the Project Atlas. To achieve this goal, the author examines 4 clusters: the diversity of models of the religious education, how R/B education is provided, the right to be exempted from the R/B instruction, manifestation of Religion/Belief at school: religious symbols, religious holidays, dietary requirements. It is revealed that the recommended approach to provide all minorities the right to teach their religions and beliefs in public schools creates new issues in the context of multiculturalism in terms of the legal status and practical curriculum. The author emphasises the benefits of the non-confessional model proposed by Culture and Religion Studies, within which cultural and religious diversity can be maintained and can flourish for the common good.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):169-179
169-179
Where is the world heading? The chronicle of grand transformation
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):180-185
180-185
Well-being of immigrants in Germany: country of origin and income convergence
Abstract
As of 2021, Germany is a host country for 22,3 million people with a migration background, that amounts to 26,9% of the total population of the country. Most of migrants come to Germany to improve their level of welfare, and seek for getting the same income as the locals do. The article outlines econometric modeling of the well-being of ethnic Germans and migrants living in Germany based on the statistics from the World Bank and the data from a representative longitudinal study of private households by the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP-Core), which covers more than 683,000 respondents for 1984-2019. Based on the SOEP data, it is possible to reveal the real socio-economic conditions surrounding both the local population and the migrants in Germany. It is concluded that respondents with migration background tend to have higher real income (a proxy for wealth) rather than their peers born in Germany. However, migrants’ real income varies significantly depending on the country of origin/birth (i. e. newcomers from Northern Europe and Africa earn the most) and has non-linear relationship with the duration of staying in Germany. Personal characteristics (age, gender) and professional qualities (education, employment status) have generally similar impact on real income both for migrants and ethnic Germans, while the effect of marital status varies case by case (i. e. married local Germans have lower real incomes than their peers, while for migrants the effect of marriage is insignificant).
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):186-201
186-201
Ethnic factor in electoral behavior in Latvia: spatial effect
Abstract
The article analyses the way the spatial effect is reflected in the ethnic voting in Latvia at the parliamentary elections of 2011, 2014 and 2018. The study reveals that the electoral support of both parties relying on Russian-speaking voters correlates with the share of Russians living in a municipality. However, in case of Social Democratic Party "Harmony" the correlation is higher than that of the Latvian Russian Union. The local indicators of spatial association display neighborhood clusters of high support of these parties in Latgale and those of low support in Kurzeme. The shape of these clusters does not change considerably from one electoral cycle to another. Municipalities with primarily non-Latvian population in Eastern Latgale close to the border with Russia and Belarus differ in their electoral behavior the most. Electoral zoning of Latvia by the method of spatially constrained hierarchical clustering based on the results of all parliamentary parties first and foremost indicates the cluster close to the border of Latvia with Russia and Belarus. Moreover, the cleavage in electoral behavior between these Latgalian municipalities and other Latvian regions appears to be the strongest not only in the Latvian context, but in comparison with electoral cleavages in eleven other countries bordering Russia.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(2 (116)):202-214
202-214