编号 6 (134) (2025)

The author puts forward a hypothesis about formation of the Baltic-Scandinavian Macroregion (BSM). This phenomenon is characterised as a macroregion of a new type (a “new” macroregion), which is inherent in the polycentric system of international relations. The research of its framework, structure and historical background is undertaken. The assumption is that BSM is an evolutionary follow-up of “new interregionalism” (post-neointerregionalism). A notion of “geopolitical density” is explored. In the focus of the article is the securitisation of BSM, which was predated by the transit from rivalry to cooperation after the end of the Cold War. The quick pace of BSM’s militarisation is demonstrated in the conditions when key contact zones between Russia and NATO have shifted to Northern Europe. In the author’s opinion, the rearcarnation (revival) of long-term mechanisms of the Cold War confrontation in BSM will not bear fruit as they do not reflect objective interests of the countries located there.

The article examines the policy of the Italian Republic in Central Asia, which received additional impetus with the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. In 2025 a new stage of Italy’s relations with the states of the region was enshrined in the “5 + 1” format at the level of heads of state, which reflects the growing importance of Central Asia among Rome’s foreign policy priorities against the backdrop of the current deep geopolitical transformations. The paper concludes that the strengthening of Rome’s foreign policy activity in the region became possible as a result of a combination of several factors: 1) Italy’s goal to play the “middle power” role in the implementation of the EU’s foreign policy, which considers the region being a space of competition with Russia and China; 2) the opening of a window of opportunity against the backdrop of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, when the Central Asian states are strengthening the multi-vector nature of their foreign policy, and at the same time are becoming increasingly important suppliers of energy and other resources and routes for their transit. The author argues that Italy’s activity in the region is carried out not only through traditional diplomacy, but also through the instruments of economic and cultural diplomacy, which have historically been the strengths of Italian foreign policy.

The article explores the current state of the French space economy and the political approaches employed to foster its development. Based on the analysis of secondary statistical data, the authors conclude that state participation in the French space industry is significant. The economic value of this sphere is not the only factor determining the trajectory of the country’s space policy. Challenged by growing competition in the international space market, particularly due to the rise of “new” space powers, France faces the need not only to develop its own industry but to seek new partners among countries, including those in Africa, that are striving to build their space capabilities. The authors examine the external dimension of France’s space policy, specifically its African dimension, to determine whether this new area of cooperation could become a tool for maintaining France’s presence on the continent. The Franco-Moroccan partnership in the space sector is examined as a case study. The analysis of a general desire of African countries to develop satellite technologies and use space for socio-economic development, as well as the assessment of the intensity of bilateral economic and political ties between France and Morocco, leads the authors to conclude that space cooperation is mutually beneficial. It is also highlighted that France’s international cooperation in the space sector is tied to its economic and political interests. In the context of the crisis of the African dimension of the French foreign policy, space in general and agreements in the field of satellite launches can be linked to France’s desire to secure new tools for implementing its strategic interests in Africa.

The article explores the goals and features of Starmer’s Cabinet’s practical solutions, as well as some contradictions in their foreign and defense policies. The setting of tasks, factors of the domestic and international political context, and distinctive features of the strategic thinking of the elites constitute the subject field of the study. The author uses a combined scientific paradigm of realist constructivism to analyze the features of London’s policy in the European arena. The emphasis on the defense element is explained to be down to a set of internal (socioeconomic) and foreign policy factors (request for greater independence of Europe in the defense sphere), including the government’s latest attempts to justify the special foreign policy identity of the UK. The article analyzes the main strategic documents, developments in London-Brussels defense cooperation, including the new UK-EU security and defence partnership, as well as bilateral agreements between the Labor Party and its EU and NATO allies (France, Germany, Poland, Norway, etc.). The author notes that the “NATO First” approach, on the one hand, demonstrates a high degree of dependence on the US and, on the other hand, it limits cooperation between London and the EU on defense issues, fragmenting the security space. It is highlighted that tactical decisions within the European direction create long-term risks for Britain associated with increasing strategic dependence on contradictions between Europe and the US, as well as ensuring competitiveness in the context of economic, geopolitical and technological rivalry with key global players.

The article deals with the evolution and strategic drivers of Germany’s sanctions policy toward Russia in 2014-2025, with a focus on institutional and economic dimensions. The aim is to identify the specific features of Germany’s participation in EU sanctions regimes and the implications for the country’s national industrial/economic base (Standort). Four stages of the sanctions regime are specified: from the restrictive measures of 2014 to the multi-level architecture of EU and national law in 2022-2025. Particular attention is paid to the role of the German authorities as initiators of key sanctions, their impact on Germany’s political-economic landscape, and the transformation of the German industrial model. It is argued that restrictive measures served not only as an instrument of foreign-policy pressure, but also as a driver of the energy pivot and of defense-industrial modernization and retooling. At the same time, adverse effects are identified, including rising costs, the risk of deindustrialization, and increased dependence on the US. The article concludes with a scenario-based forecast for 2026-2027 that takes into account the institutional inertia of the sanctions regime and the need for adaptive measures to preserve the competitiveness of Germany’s Standort.

The EU maintains its great power status based on its trade, economic and normative (structural) power. The EU’s large-scale and highly differentiated system of regional trade agreements (RTAs) represents a power projection tool in the context of multipolar world order formation. In accordance with the hypothesis that the ongoing inter-regional expansion of the EU’s RTAs network is a factor of geopolitical rivalry with the US and China, the authors assessed the “mercantilist effect”, i.e. an increase in GDP. The latter is achieved within the framework of the EU’s bilateral trade agreements (1) in force, (2) notified (early announced), calculating the foreign trade balance for the entire set of goods and for environmental goods and comparing the data obtained with the results of the EU trade with the US and China. The study showed that the EU’s presence in the markets of the RTA partner states provides an increase in GDP, comparable in size and sustainability to the effect of trade with the US. Currently, the EU does not receive similar advantages in trade with partners under the notified agreements. In goods supply the EU has strategic resource potential (self-sufficiency) and displays it in the framework of both in-force and notified RTAs as well as in its trade with the US, only China demonstrates an advantage in this area in comparison to the EU. Thus, the EU’s strategy for regional trade agreements expansion, characterized by an inter-regional approach and a major economic pragmatism, fits into the logic of mercantilism, representing a tool for global adaptation, since it is able to provide advantages within the framework of great power rivalry and a “green” transition.

This article investigates the transformation of Germany's agricultural policy and its agricultural sector from 2015 to 2025 under the impact of multiple global crises: the COVID₁₉ pandemic, the Special Military Operation (SVO), sanctions pressure, and climate challenges. Through comprehensive institutional analysis combining quantitative and qualitative methods, the study examines the sequence of sectoral support measures, evolving patterns of agricultural land use, and changing practices in fertilizer and pesticide application, all confirming the systemic nature of this transformation. By synthesizing policy measures and sector responses, the authors identify a paradigm shift in Germany's agricultural policy - from stable production support under the EU's Common Agricultural Policy toward an adaptation regime focused on ensuring food security and technological autonomy. The research demonstrates that external shocks served as catalysts for significant sector changes: accelerated digitalization, diversification of fertilizer and energy supply chains, and increased protest activity among agricultural business associations. The adaptation to new economic conditions incurred substantial costs: rising production expenses, social resistance from farmers, and persistent dependence on alternative markets. Analysis of the German experience reveals structural vulnerabilities within the agricultural sector under conditions of instability. The authors present development forecasts: a conservative scenario projecting continued geopolitical tensions, slowed ecological transition, and moderate support growth, leading to stagnation and maintained social tension; and a more probable moderate (baseline) scenario anticipating logistics stabilization, partial regulatory relief, and moderate investment growth that would balance environmental and economic objectives.

The article is dedicated to a largely unexplored topic in domestic academic literature – the public’s attitude toward artificial intelligence (AI). The relevance of the subject is driven by the rapid development and swift penetration of AI into all spheres of human life. The successful implementation of new technologies depends, among other factors, on whether individuals understand what they are dealing with and how they assess the potential benefits and risks associated with AI. The article aims, based on the analysis of sociological survey data and foreign sources, to identify similarities and differences in attitudes toward AI at the cross-country level and, if such differences exist, to determine their causes. It is argued that global public opinion on AI is divided: the Wester societies generally take a more cautious stance toward AI and express greater concern over its spread than in developing economies. It is concluded that the level of education and cultural identity play a decisive role in how societies perceive and integrate AI into everyday life.

The study analyzes the role of religion in the political culture of the Baltic countries: Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia from the point of view of its influence on its formation and significance for modern times, bearing in mind the secular nature of these states and societies. The methodology of the study is a historical and religious analysis of various religious institutions in these countries, their place in the formation of the political culture of the region and its functioning in modern times. The article highlights the deep foundations of the political culture of the region and the role of religion in politics in the context of secularization, multi-ethnicity and multi-confessional composition of the Baltic population, when the factor of religion is very subtle and fraught with a cultural split in societies. A structural and institutional analysis of the Catholic Church and Lutheran churches in the Baltic countries is carried out. In the context of contemporary foreign policy crises related to the Ukrainian conflict, the ruling elites of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia support the dominance of Catholicism and Lutheranism in their countries as religions of an ethnic character and historical roots. Churches act as a force consolidating society on the basis of traditional ethno-confessional culture, capable of mobilizing public opinion in the political process. The connection of Catholicism and Lutheranism with the national identity of the titular ethnic groups allows them to speak the language of dominance in the sphere of political culture.

The article provides an insight into the dynamics of total factor productivity of the leading European countries (the UK, France, Germany, Italy, Spain) and the US. The current state of technological development has been assessed and promising areas of impact to ensure sustainable socio-economic development have been identified. The aggregate factor productivity growth (human capital, resource allocation and openness of the economy) is systematized. Methodologically the article is based on the system approach, along with comparative and statistical analysis. The article explores prospects for stimulating innovative development at the country level: Global Innovation Index, Human Development Index, Global Knowledge Index, number of patent applications, expenditures on health care, education and research and development, etc. Based on these indicators, a grouping of countries with similar development trends was identified as follows: USA and the UK, France and Germany, Italy and Spain. Taking into account the result of the impact of the above factors, countries can adjust their socio-economic programs in order to optimize the implemented strategies.