RUDN Journal of Political Science

In the editorial article, the editor-in-chief of the journal, Yu.M. Pochta, presents the materials of the issue, interpreting their cross-cutting themes as issues of the development of the states of the African continent in the context of the crisis of the Western model of globalization. This crisis has become most evident in the context of the aggravation of international relations in connection with the Russian Special Military Operation in Ukraine. Russia’s conflict with the collective West is not only evidence of its aggressiveness. Western society itself is in crisis, involving all of humanity, including the societies of Africa, complicating the processes of socio-political development and liberation from neocolonialism for them. The articles presented in the issue cover a wide range of political science topics related to Africa, from the colonial legacy and postcolonial politics to modern development challenges, conflicts and foreign relations. Many works analyze the impact of historical colonialism on modern African states, including reparations for the slave trade through the African Union, the change of the neocolonial paradigms of France and the impact on the politics of West African countries, emphasizing the need to conceptualize social states and classify political regimes (one-party, multiparty and dominant). The articles also explore the evolution of sub-Saharan foreign policy orientations, the global consequences of local conflicts in the Horn of Africa, and the economic effects of COVID-19 on food security in West Africa. Country analyses focus on traditional institutions such as chieftainship in Ghana, resource risks in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and party systems in Tunisia, Mozambique, and South Africa, including the role of Islamist movements and military coups in Burkina Faso. Finally, external aspects include Russian network diplomacy in Africa and the transformation of narratives about Russia among West African youth, as well as comparative studies of military movements in Egypt, illustrating the intersections of African and Middle Eastern politics. These themes highlight the dynamics between history, development, and global connections, offering a critical look at the sustainability of African political systems.

In recent years, the agenda of reparations to Africa by Western countries for the crimes of the transatlantic slave trade and colonialism has been gaining increasing popularity in both academic and political discourse. The study analyzes contemporary discourse in both political, legal and economic terms, as well as the representation of this issue in Russian and Soviet academic literature. Particular attention is paid to the formation of political discourse, including in the context of the work of the Group of Eminent Persons established in 1992 in West Africa in order to draw attention to this topic and a number of conferences held on private initiative in the 1990s. The researshers show how the issue of reparations justice has reached the level of the UN and the African Union, practical steps taken in this regard and their consequences. The article examines the political and legal aspects of paying reparations to Africa in Western discourse, including the problem of retroactivity of legal norms, repeatedly raised by Western experts, and its political deconstruction. Particular attention is paid to the strategy of Western countries related to responding to the problem of reparative justice. The structures sponsored by Western funds are quite closely integrated into the reparative agenda of the African Union. In this context, the practical implementation of the UN and African Union decisions in this area will largely depend on the level of demonstrated African agency. If the outcome is favorable, the reparations received can be an important source of financing for the sovereign development of the African continent.

The colonial legacy still impacts the formation and functioning of political systems in West African countries. The study addresses institutional, ethnopolitical, cultural, and economic aspects of the region’s postcolonial development. The analysis demonstrates that artificial borders created during the colonial era, ethnic fragmentation, institutional weakness, and persistent economic dependence on former colonial powers remain key factors shaping both domestic and foreign policy dynamics. Special attention is given to the dual nature of political culture, which combines elements of traditional power structures with Western governance models, as well as to the phenomenon of “decolonization of consciousness” as a cultural and ideological process aimed at rethinking identity and development trajectories. Drawing on historical and contemporary evidence, the study explores mechanisms for reproducing neocolonial relations, the role of the military in politics, challenges to national integration, and the influence of colonial policy on migration processes. The conclusion emphasizes the need for comprehensive institutional and cultural reforms aimed at strengthening sovereignty and building an inclusive political system that takes into account historical experience, ethnic diversity, and the challenges of globalization.

The relevance of the study lies in the fact that African countries are becoming an integral part of political and economic processes in the world. African leaders build their cooperation strategy on the basis of national interests and mutual benefit, focusing on strengthening sovereign states. African leaders pay great attention to the military-political aspect of international cooperation, since a number of countries on the continent are experiencing a high intensity of local and interstate conflicts. This is evidenced by the aggravation of the situation in the Sahara-Sahel region in 2023-2025. That is why regional military-political alliances are being established and agreements with traditional defense partners are being revised. The research focuses on the maturation of the political elites of African states, their pragmatism and disassociation from the former metropolises, which in turn seek to keep them in the orbit of their influence. Neo-colonialist mechanisms such as Fransafrique are criticized and protested by the majority of Africans. The independent choice of partners is emphasized, not only from among Western countries, but also from non-Western countries. Interaction with Russia is emphasized in light of the decisions of the 2019 Sochi and 2023 summits in St. Petersburg and the Russia - Africa Inter-Ministerial Meeting in Sochi in November 2024. The emergence of such a platform as the Russia - Africa Forum has significantly increased the opportunities for African countries to implement national projects and strengthen their positions in international affairs. The aspiration of African countries to participate in the BRICS inter-civilizational association is seen as a good prospect for political growth and international prestige of African countries. It has been proved that the political activity of African countries is steadily growing, which contributes to the consolidation of their authority in the world, improvement of economic performance, and helps to combat illegal armed groups. The work applied a comprehensive approach to the processes under consideration, used event-analysis with critical evaluation of information.

There has been a noticeable spike in food insecurity during the aftermath of the COVID-19 which has been on the increase in both Nigeria and Burkina Faso. This study made use of mixed methods research design to explore how COVID-19 affected the economic and humanitarian aspects of food security in West Africa. The purpose of this document is to provide clear highlight on the actions and responses of Nigeria and Burkina Faso to the emergence of COVID-19 concerning its implications on the food sector. Findings revealed that agriculture has made a significant contribution to the GDP of both Nigeria and Burkina Faso but witnessed a change during the outburst of COVID-19. We concluded that the government rolled out a series of policies both cash-based and food-based through subsidies and palliatives that ensure prices of food are monitored and that the vulnerable are provided with food. This paper therefore recommended that more work be done on how to integrate the use of technology to improve food security in both Nigeria and Burkina Faso and the rest of West Africa.

The presented research provides an up-to-date view of the institution of traditional authority - the power of chiefs, in modern Ghana. Despite the fact that their political influence has changed over the course of history, Chiefs in Ghana are still politically authoritative figures, influence the electoral process, manage tribal lands and implement local, normatively unregulated forms of community governance and legal proceedings in the role of a «justice of the peace». This role of chiefs in society raises the problem of their political inclusion in the system of governance at different levels and their status as influencers in election campaigns. In this regard, the aim of the work is to study the modern political role of chiefs in the system of socio-political relations in Ghana with an emphasis on the historical transformation of this role in the postcolonial period. To this end, the author applies a structural-functional approach to the analysis of the role of chiefs in the system of political power in Ghana, a normative-legal analysis to present the legal dimension of their activities and a retrospective analysis to present the evolution of their powers, functions, and, as a consequence, political influence. The example of the Republic of Ghana, considered in this article, clearly demonstrates that even one of the most developed democratic systems in Africa has a pronounced traditionalist political dimension. Despite the fact that the country’s constitution does not allow chiefs to participate in elections at all levels as candidates, the political reality demonstrates their deep involvement in the political process on an informal basis. Authority in tribal communities and the right to dispose of the historical land of the tribe makes them priority agents of political influence in the national electoral system. As the study shows, it is their support that largely determines the victory of not only members of parliament, but also presidents of the country. In this regard, the political process in Ghana appears as quasi-democratic and based on traditional forms of power, which act as an informal platform for the political struggle of parties and elites.

The aim of the study is to analyze the interrelation between natural resources and power in the Democratic Republic of Congo through the lens of formal and informal governance regimes. The methodology is based on an interdisciplinary approach, drawing on the concept of legal pluralism, research on the “resource curse” phenomenon, and analysis of the interaction between formal and informal actors as well as external players. The study identifies the mechanisms through which the DRC’s natural wealth becomes a driver of socio-economic vulnerability and political instability. The results show that in the DRC, the resource curse manifests in a complex manner, encompassing mineral, land, and water resources, as well as ecological systems, and transforms into a structural factor of internal instability. Control over resource extraction serves as a source of both revenue and power, which reinforces institutional weakness, provokes conflicts, and exacerbates poverty. The conclusion is drawn that without institutional reform and the establishment of mechanisms for accountable and inclusive resource governance, the DRC will remain in a state of chronic instability, where natural wealth reproduces crisis rather than development.

Tunisia is one of the most developed countries in the Arab world with an active party and political life. This research analyses the development of political parties and the current state of the party system in Tunisia. It examines the main features of the political system, the history of the formation of the party system, the relationships between the parties and the current alignment of the country’s political forces. The author concludes that Tunisian parties have repeatedly faced crisis situations, one of which is evident at the present time. This crisis can be attributed to a combination of external circumstances, such as the political reforms of president K. Said and the adoption of new legislation that significantly limited the influence of political parties, as well as internal instability within the parties themselves. Following the events of the ‘Arab Spring’, new elements were introduced to Tunisia’s political system and serious changes were made; however, the factors of continuity from the previous regime still retained their influence. Democratic reforms have not been sufficient to improve the standard of living of the country’s citizens or to resolve its difficult economic situation. Currently, several parties are attempting to unite their efforts to advance their demands and protect their interests, while several political forces and movements are declaring their support for the presidential course. The ability to overcome the crisis largely depends on whether the various parties and socio-political movements can reach an agreement. Conversely, the president will need to develop a new, sustainable political model to maintain his position and ensure the stability of the existing state system.

There were eight military coups in Burkina Faso since 2020, including two in 2022. Author examines the key aspects and sequence of military coups in Burkina Faso in 2022, as well as their main causes and consequences. It identifies the causes of instability, including internal socio-economic problems, terrorist threats from groups, and the impact of the crisis in neighboring countries - Mali and Guinea. The study highlights the parallels and impact of the military coup of January 2022, as well as the process of the military coup of September 2022 and the reactions to the coup. The first coup in January 2022 was a consequence of serious threats to national security associated with the actions of terrorist groups, which caused mass protests and public disappointment in the work of the ruling structures. The military seized the moment and took over, citing the need to restore order and combat terrorism. Against this backdrop, a second military coup was carried out in September 2022, which was caused by growing internal destabilization, popular discontent, and divisions within the armed forces. During this event, the military again seized power, replacing the leader, and emphasized its role in ensuring the country’s stability. This paper also provides a comprehensive overview of the current situation and prospects for further development of the situation in the country. It examines the government’s efforts to restore stability, develop infrastructure, and combat corruption, as well as new political steps, including the abandonment of elections and the expansion of the powers of President Ibrahim Traore. The article also examines the international reaction, including the condemnation of the military coups by the European Union and regional structures, primarily ECOWAS.

The relevance of the study is due to the need to rethink the role of new formats of diplomatic interaction considering the deepening cooperation between Russia and Africa, new trends in international relations (such as increased involvement in cooperation of representatives of multilateral associations and non-governmental actors, securitization of new sectors of world politics). The purpose of this article is to show how the tools of Russia’s network diplomacy can be used to strengthen partnerships between the Russian Federation and African states in various areas - political, economic and humanitarian. At the same time, the author emphasizes that the formats of network diplomacy at both the global (BRICS, G20) and regional (Russia - Africa Economic and Humanitarian Forum, thematic working groups and, in the future, formats for the settlement of military-political conflicts) levels can act only as auxiliary tracks, without replacing traditional channels of diplomacy (summits, ministerial meetings and working diplomatic contacts). The works of Russian and foreign experts revealing the theoretical foundations of network diplomacy (Morozov, Lebedeva, Burganova, Metzl, Slaughter, etc.) as well as those devoted to the analysis of Africa’s positions in the system of international relations (Harberson, Rothschild, Kortunov, etc.) were useful for the current study. It was carried out based on structural-systemic and historical-comparative research methods. The uniqueness of the article lies in the fact that the author assesses the prospects for the development of existing formats of network diplomacy taking into account Russia’s strategic foreign policy priorities in Africa and suggests ways to develop new formats of network interaction that would contribute to the resolution of key military-political and socio-economic problems of the region.

Western mainstream media narratives about Russia affect the perception of youth in West Africa regarding Russia as a global role player. The research is based on a synthesis and integration of scholarly studies, as well as newspapers and reports from selected Western media outlets. A broad literature review was first conducted to understand the body of knowledge on Western media narratives and their effects on people’s perceptions of Russia. A narrative matrix was used as the main approach to map out the narratives about Russia, and thematic analysis was finally employed to identify the themes and sub-themes from the media narratives to examine how these narratives affect youth perceptions of Russia as a global player. The study identifies three competing narratives: the first is the dominant narrative in Western media, which describes Russia negatively in terms of its imperial interests. The second is the counter-narrative from several scholars, global South media outlets, dissenting politicians, and individuals who assert that NATO’s expansion to the east threatens Russia’s security and is the cause of the recent geopolitical crisis. The last is the alternative narrative, which assumes that Africans see Russia as a potential ally for mutually beneficial cooperation, despite the recent geopolitical crisis. The article concludes that the counter and alternative narratives have been marginalized and overshadowed by the dominant narratives propagated by Western media, which tend to shape youth perceptions of Russia as a negative global player, especially regarding narratives about the crisis in Ukraine.