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No 4 (118) (2023)
Articles
The EU approach towards China in the context of countering hybrid threats
Abstract
The article examines the EU approach towards China in terms of dealing with the hybrid threats. The study is based on the method of systemic analysis. It is revealed that the EU intention to strengthen its role in the international arena and to reduce dependence on third countries in providing critical infrastructure, as well as its solidarity with the rhetoric and practice of the USA to limit the economic influence of China, provokes a debate on the PRC’s activity within the framework of the narrative of hybrid threats. The documents of the European Parliament contain the majority of accusations of China in creating such threats. The Commission and the Council of the EU are trying to adhere to a less politicized tone, but their publications also contain references to the RPC as an actor of hybrid threats. The approach of the EU’s “institutional triangle” is also illustrated by the documents of the European External Action Service, EU agencies, and specialized think tanks. The EU institutions are seeking to limit China’s role in every area, from investment to education and media.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(4 (118)):48-61
48-61
415
Evolution of the “digital sovereignty” concept in the EU: constants and dichotomies
Abstract
The EU has recently actively discussed the concept of ‘digital (technological) sovereignty’. The goal of this article is to identify key trends in the EU’s discourse on digital sovereignty and to determine how the EU has evolved as an actor. Theoretically the article is based on critical geopolitics. A discourse analysis of the EU’s documents and speeches of its representatives was made. The analysis has demonstrated three constants which include the emphasis on values, development of the internal market and leadership aspirations. The study also identified five dichotomies: naivety - geopolitics, interdependence - dependence, openness - closeness / protectionism, market / competition - state intervention, sovereignty through rules - sovereignty through material production. It has been revealed how the EU tries to reconcile its classical power instruments (emphasis on interdependence, cooperation, universal promotion of values and norms) and greater autonomy, demanded by its perception of today’s world. Although the texts remain ambiguous, the Westphalian sovereignty dominates. It means the EU’s refusal to promote the universal values and norms, harsher order-drawing, further consolidation of its internal space, narrowing of cooperation to like-minded countries. The EU thus departs from the classical elements of its power and influence in the world. This trend is very strong in the digital sphere but is not limited to the latter.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(4 (118)):62-76
62-76
320
Migration policy in Albania: institutional aspects
Abstract
After the fall of the communist regime Albania turned from a closed country into a country of net emigration. The article examines the evolution of Albanian migration policy from 1990 to 2022. The purpose of the study is to identify the approaches to the regulation of international migration in the context of the integration of Albania into the EU. The research is based on the state and supranational sources in the field of migration: legislative and regulatory acts, strategies, action plans, international agreements. The period under consideration is divided into two almost equal parts in relation to the level of participation of Albania in the regulation of migration. The first period (until the mid-2000s) is characterized by a relatively passive stance, relying primarily on external forces which regulate migration from Albania, such as other countries of the region and the EU. With the adoption of the Strategy for Migration Management in 2005 Albania took a more active stance, focused, on the one hand, on comprehensive and multidirectional interaction with the Albanian diaspora and, on the other, on reducing emigration by creating new jobs. It is revealed that the measures taken to return the representatives of the diaspora to the country and reduce the emigration activity of the current inhabitants of Albania are not enough. The diaspora plays a significant role in the economy of Albania, however, it does not seek re-emigration. The effect of job creation was largely offset by the European migrant crisis.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(4 (118)):77-88
77-88
181
French-speaking jewish community in contemporary Israel: sociological and political profile
Abstract
The article examines the sociological, demographic, and political characteristics of a French-speaking repatriate community in Israel. The community is an important factor in both Israeli and French internal politics and the bilateral relations between Israel and European countries. The authors conclude that multiple identities are preserved, consisting of French-speaking, Jewish, and Israeli elements, and underline the quantitative and qualitative difference between the 2010s wave of repatriation and the previous waves. The difference is tainted by the reasons that pushed the French Jews to their historic homeland and by the difficulties of economic integration. A well-developed infrastructural network is created that buttresses the identitarian multiplicity. There are also indicators that the identity infrastructure might be complemented by the organized political representation that is now realized through the positions reserved non-officially in the national party lists. Because of its predominantly right-wing conservative political orientation, the French Jewish community is considered an electoral resource for the incumbent coalition of right-wing conservative, nationalist, and ultraorthodox parties, and the need for further stimulation of the French aliya is now voiced.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(4 (118)):89-103
89-103
158
The french nuclear challenge to the eu green energy governance
Abstract
This paper explores the role of nuclear power in substituting fossil fuels and contributing to the net zero. It considers to what extent the French position on nuclear energy is viable within the framework of EU green energy governance. The analysis of EU legal attempts to develop a common strategy for member countries and the case study of France reveal the controversial nature of nuclear energy. The authors argue that the EU could work towards easing off nuclear energy and could successfully overcome the pro-nuclear views of countries which currently depend on it for electricity production. The limited climate benefits of nuclear energy, when the whole life-cycle of nuclear reactors is considered, and the unease of the population with nuclear energy, even in countries that depend on it, chart a probable new course for a renewable energy mix in the EU. This phasing-out of nuclear energy is likely to be progressive so as to avoid lost investments in developing the technology and will hinge on how rapidly renewables reach their technological maturity.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(4 (118)):104-118
104-118
228
UE - US: new barriers to trade
Abstract
The article analyses the reasons for the complication of trade and economic relations between the European Union and the United States in recent years. The first section is devoted to the failed bilateral TTIP project, which was given strategic importance under the Obama administration. The destructive role of the Trump administration's policy toward the EU is noted. The hopes of improving bilateral relations after the arrival of the Biden administration were justified to a limited extent. New areas of conflict have emerged alongside the resolution of existing trade disputes. The Inflation Reduction Act adopted in the U.S. in 2022 became the most acute cause for discord. It has not yet been possible to reach a full agreement on how to mitigate negative consequences of this law for the EU. The EU, for its part, is forced to take retaliatory measures to protect its interests, including by strengthening its technological sovereignty, protection from economic coercion by third countries, etc. The analysis of emerging contradictions between the U.S. and Europe in the 21st century in trade and economic sphere leads to the conclusion that their most important cause is the increase in geopolitical rivalry throughout the world, due to which trade is progressively affected by geo-political reasons. At the same time, the problem of confrontation with China intensifies the differences between the U.S. and the EU.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(4 (118)):119-131
119-131
262
Comparative analysis of the silver economy capacity in Russia and the EU
Abstract
The article analyses the prospects of the development of silver economy in Russia. The relevance of the topic is confirmed by the global trend caused by aging of the population. Silver (or longevity) economy is a sector of the economy, which provides well-being of the elderly. The subject of the study is a comparison between the potential of the silver economy in Russia and the European Union. The aim of the study is to analyse the key differences of the silver economy in Russia and the countries of the EU. The article examines the methodology and the results of the assessment of the scale of silver economy and its contribution to the aggregate demand and GDP of the European Union. The authors estimated the scale of the silver economy in Russia at the national and regional levels. Based on the results obtained, the authors compared the volume of the silver economy in Russia and the EU and identified the main factors influencing this sector in Russia. Moreover, the authors identified a high level of interregional differentiation in terms of silver economy development. Therefore, the differentiated measures of regional policy in relation to the citizens of the older generation were proposed in order to eliminate significant regional disparities. The authors propose measures aimed at supporting the demand of senior citizens for regions with an average level of development of the silver economy. The study also proposes to concentrate the state policy efforts on social security for the regions with low potential of the silver economy.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(4 (118)):132-145
132-145
537
Living standards and quality of life in the EU: challenges of “new” reality
Abstract
Over the past few years, the European economy and the social and labor sphere have been caught in the crossfire of rising energy and commodity prices, a shortage of skilled labor, and the increasing difficulty for many businesses and citizens to pay their bills amid falling real household incomes and the competitive advantages of goods and services production. The anti-Russian sanctions have put many European households on the brink of insolvency. At the same time, problems associated with the demographic transition, the transformation of industrial production and employment due to the digitalization of all kinds of activities, and changes in social standards have not disappeared. The consequences of the negative impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the labor market, the level and quality of life of the population in a situation of uneven recovery of the European and world economy by regions, industries and forms of economic activity have not been fully overcome. The article analyses the state and prospects of the financial situation of European households against the background of a significant slowdown in economic growth, unprecedented inflation in the region and the efforts of the authorities to solve a complicated problem of overcoming the cost-of-living crisis in the EU.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(4 (118)):146-156
146-156
198
Ecumenism in modern Europe: adaptation to secular society
Abstract
The ecumenism ideology is based on evangelical foundations and is aimed at achieving universal Christian unity. The historical differentiation of Christianity and the various circumstances of the church organizations development have caused the ecumenical movement internal heterogeneity. Each of the Christianity directions is guided by its own theological interpretation of ecumenism. Doctrinal agreement of these interpretations cannot be achieved. The political situation in the world and the situation of national churches within countries also hinder organizational unification. Therefore, ecumenical organizations, mainly the World Council of Churches and the Conference of European Churches, develop dialogue and cooperation programs aimed at Eucharistic and liturgical communication between different Christian confessions believers, as well as joint social services of representatives of different churches. The ecumenical movement in the twentieth century developed almost synchronously with the deployment of large-scale secularization. The secular nature of modern European societies determines the priority of social activity over theological activity in the ecumenical movement. The dependence of international ecumenical organizations on current politics is also obvious - they currently follow the European Union governing bodies’ ideo-logical rhetoric. The current situation of the ecumenical movement cannot be called a crisis, rather, there is a transformation into a new state - going beyond intra-Christian cooperation and inclusion in an interreligious dialogue, as well as in a dialogue with non-religious institutions of modern society.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(4 (118)):157-169
157-169
164
Features of hybrid identity of the second/third generation of european muslims
Abstract
The article deals with the problem of the hybrid identity of the representatives of the second/third generation of European Muslims, which has become a consequence of the failure of various strategies for the integration of migrants into European society. Hybridity arises in situations of cultural intersection when somewhat contradictory meanings and logics emanating from separate spheres of action combine to form new patterns. The article shows that a significant part of the representatives of the second/third generation of European Muslims, to one degree or another, accepts the collective European socio-cultural context (primarily, the values of secondary socialization), but at the same time expresses time preferences determined by religion, which are little compatible with European values. This reveals important characteristics of the hybrid identity of European Muslims - ambivalence, multilayeredness and incompleteness. The study emphasises that the majority of representatives of the second/third generation of migrants do not identify themselves either through the nationality of their parents or through European identity, but recognise themselves through religious identity. Thus, religious affiliation is stronger than both identities. The main source of formation of the hybrid identity of second/third migrants is the conflict between religious self-identification and secular European identity. It is religion that is one of the restraining barriers to the integration of migrants into the secular European society. Similarly, the mobilization of religious identity underlies the formation of a hybrid identity of European Muslims of the second/third generations.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(4 (118)):170-182
170-182
195
A.A. Gromyko and security policy: setting up for Helsinki
Abstract
The article continues the study of the role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko in the formation, development and maintenance of security policy, its principles and structural elements. The relevance of the article is determined by the importance of strategy and strategic thinking in modern foreign policy and diplomacy, their influence on interstate cooperation, the evolution and manageability of international relations. The chronological framework is limited to the events of 1971. The importance of these events allowed the author to identify and characterise some elements of the complex and controversial process of setting up for a future conference on security and cooperation in Europe, as well as to analyse A.A. Gromyko’s strategy of in this setting. The studied materials are presented in six subsections. The scientific novelty of the first subsection lies in the consideration of the logic and features of the diplomatic game of the West. The scientific novelty of the second subsection consists of five differences in the approaches of L.I. Brezhnev and A.A. Gromyko, who could help or hinder the defense of the interests of the Soviet Union at a future conference. The scientific novelty of the third subsection lies in the consideration of the Soviet position on a conference on security and cooperation in Europe by Western diplomats. The scientific novelty of the fourth and fifth subsections was determined by the proof of the hypothesis that A.A. Gromyko had two plans - in case the conference was convened or postponed. In the fourth and fifth subsections, the author presents the main activities and expected results of «Plan A» and «Plan B». The sixth subsection is devoted to conclusions that can be classified into historical conclusions (conclusion 3) and historical and political conclusions (conclusions 1-2, 4-5). The results obtained make it possible to test hypotheses related to the influence of the personal factor (long-term holding of a responsible position; constant strengthening of influence, authority and opportunities) on foreign policy and evolutionary processes in the systems of international relations. In relation to 1971, the author discovered Soviet version of the “magnet theory” developed by A.A. Gromyko's. The sources of the article are published documents of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany, the use of which can be explained methodologically. It was important for the author to conduct the analysis on the basis of the foreign partners' assessment of the statements made by the Soviet Foreign Minister during official negotiations (outer reflection). The author's reasoning should be understood in the context of his earlier article in the journal.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(4 (118)):183-194
183-194
142
The first post-war electoral campaign in the modern statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina
Abstract
The article examines the preparation, course and practical results of the first post-war election campaign of 1996 in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The 1995 Dayton Accords, which became the foundation of modern Bosnian-Herzegovinan statehood, represented a compromise imposed from without and it could not resolve the fundamental contradictions of the country's national communities. Consequently, the situation in Bosnia retained a significant conflict potential. Сoncerned international actors, primarily the United States and the EU countries, that directed the process of resolving the crisis in Bosnia, used institutional peace-building as the main method of post-conflict settlement. Therefore, the first post-war election campaign played a key role in building a new political system of BiH, since the process of formation of new authorities depended on its results. The lack of real harmonization of community relations, their mutual bitterness on national and religious grounds predetermined the inability of ethnic parties to reach the necessary compromises independently. This fact, fully represented by the first post-war election campaign, predetermined high involvement of Western countries in the state's domestic political life, the formation of a supranational structure of governance and the transformation of Bosnia into an international protectorate. The research is developed on unintroduced for scientific use materials of the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) and based on historical method.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(4 (118)):195-206
195-206
121
Common fisheries policy in the light of Brexit
Abstract
The article examines the impact of the Сommon Fisheries Policy of the European Union (CFP) on the UK's withdrawal from the EU. On the one hand, the article explains the reasons for the appearance of an economically insignificant fishing issue on the forefront of the British domestic political agenda on the eve of Brexit. On the other hand, it sheds light on the factor of the CFP in the negotiations on Britain's withdrawal from the EU and the subsequent Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) between the parties. Also, the author elaborates on the role of fishing communities in the Brexit vote, as well as on the factors that shaped the bargaining positions and strategies of the parties in the Brexit negotiations with regards to the CFP. The article focuses on institutional and political-economic features of the CFP that determined the final agreement in terms of fisheries. Despite a few concessions from Brussels and the transfer of a quarter of the European proportion of the catch to fishermen of the United Kingdom during the transition period, the Agreement does not involve fundamental changes in the UK's fisheries policy and the cooperation with the EU. The final deal reflects the interdependence of the partners, the Europeanization of the fisheries management, and preserves preferential access to British waters for European fishermen.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(4 (118)):207-219
207-219
225