No 3 (2024)

The central issue of the presidential elections in Argentina in 2023, which attracted widespread international attention, was the choice of the path for further socioeconomic development in the context of severe crisis shocks within the country and ongoing global transformations. The electoral defeat of the Peronists in power brought an end to the long-term dominance of the state-centric (dirigiste) model. The victory in the second round of elections by the representative of the right-wing radical wing of the national political spectrum, economist Javier Milei, who assumed the presidency on December 10, 2023, opened a new stage in the history of Argentina, which means the transition of Peronism into opposition and the beginning of the stage of strengthening the market foundations of the economic model. However, the process of reforming of the Argentine economy on the principles of liberalism is associated not only with the dismantling of accumulated financial and economic rubble, but also with inevitable high social costs and significant political risks, which causes justified skepticism regarding the prospects for successful and complete implementation of the presidential program in the expert community.

This article analyzes the reactions of Latin American states regarding the next round of the conflict between Israel and Palestine, which began on October 7, 2023 with the Hamas terrorist attack on peaceful Israeli settlements. However, it seems that the attempts of a number of experts to formulate a certain unanimously negative approach of Latin American countries to this problem are premature since in each individual case, behind the opinions and practical steps taken by a government, as a rule, there are certain national interests, which should not be ignored if we are talking about objective and unbiased approach to the issue. Sometimes conflict arises between these interests and current political considerations, resulting in ambivalent and even contradictory actions of some leaders

In mid-October 2023, the electoral cycle ended in Ecuador. Its results were the election of the youngest president in the country's history, center-right Daniel Noboa. With a difference of less than four percent, Noboa managed to defeat her opponent, ‘correist’ Luisa Gonzalez. The parliamentary elections demonstrated that today none of the political forces can propose a program supported by the major part of society, and therefore none of the factions received an absolute parliamentary majority. This made three influential forces – the Civil Revolution, the Social Christian Party and the ADN presidential party – to create a situational coalition to solve the primary problems in the country: reducing the high level of violence and providing employment for the population. However, if this coalition falls apart, there is a good chance that President Noboa will repeat the political fate of his predecessor. The very conduct of this election campaign became the implementation in the political field of articles 138 and 140 known as muerte cruzada (‘cross death’) implementation in the political field, meaning the mechanism for president impeaching and simultaneously dissolving Parliament, after which early general elections are called. The election campaign took place under conditions of a state of emergency declared in the country on the eve of the first round of elections due to the murder of one of the presidential candidates. The use of the historical-comparative method in the article allows us to compare the political landscape around the previous and new Ecuadorian leaders and identify the institutional political structures features. And the historical-systemic method allows us to analyze the causes of political turbulence and Ecuadorian society polarization, and conflict-consensual development relations between the president and parliament and to predict political steps of the new president.

This article is a study of the history of the Communist Party of Bolivia during the most dramatic period for the leftist, revolutionary movement in Latin America, the so-called long 60s. It was a time of direct confrontation between the forces of reaction and progress, a time of intense ideological struggle, of renewal of the left and the search for new forms of struggle. The Communist Party of Bolivia bore the burden of decisions related to the guerilla of E. Che Guevara in their country. The tragic denouement of the Che Guevara epic was the impetus for the revolutionary upsurge in Bolivia, the emergence of progressive military regimes, and the attempt to create popular organs of power, the People's Assembly, in which the protagonism of the Communists was undeniable. This article analyzes the party's policy of choosing allies, ideological concepts of “democracy of the masses” as a period of transition to socialism, and attempts to implement them within the electoral alliance of Popular and Democratic Unity, in which the PCB shared the burden of power in the early 1980s. This unsuccessful experience of the Communist Party's in the power led to a severe internal crisis and the virtual disappearance of the party as an important political actor in Bolivian politics.

The article is devoted to artists from Russia who studied first at home, then in the workshops in France, Germany, Italy, where they collaborated with many famous masters, including Latin American ones. In the future, almost all of them emigrated to different countries of Latin America. The article examines the lives and creative paths of two women — artists Angelina Belova and Maria Vorobyeva-Stebelskaya — in Paris and Mexico and their relationship with Diego Rivera. The lives and works of Nikolai Ferdinandov in Venezuela, Lazar Segal and Gregory Varshavchik in Brazil are described as well. The author focuses on the great contribution that Russian artists made to the art of these countries

This article provides a brief overview of the content and analysis of the monograph prepared by the famous historian and political scientist Sergey M. Khenkin and dedicated to the problems of modernization of Spanish state and consolidation of civil society in conditions of political and social instability. Sections of the book reflect the author's view of modern Spain, which, after the transition to democracy, made a powerful breakthrough in political and socio-economic development, but at the same time retains numerous elements of traditionalism. Sections of the monograph reveal the transition from the authoritarianism to consolidated democracy, various angles of social transformation, evolution and current state of the party system, as well as problems and challenges of the state of autonomies.