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No 5 (119) (2023)
Articles
The turning point: new foreign policy concept of Russia
Abstract
The avalanche processes in the world have clearly confirmed the need for a holistic inventory, significant correction and, in many cases, a radical reassessment of the previous version of the 2016 Foreign Policy Concept of Russia. The dynamics of world politics is so rapid that many of them, no longer fit into the previous schemes. A fundamentally significant matrix in understanding and rethinking the doctrinal and practical-political experience of Russian diplomacy has become the approval by President V.V. Putin on March 31, 2023 of the new Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation (hereinafter: FPC-2023). FPC-2023 marks an unprecedented turning point in the conceptualization of attitudes of Russian diplomacy. A clearly defined continuity has been preserved with respect to the fundamental principles of Russia's foreign policy. FPC-2023 is a new geopolitical premises for the positioning of Russia in the global space and in its relations with the world. The basic system components of Russia's national-state interests have been elaborated in a comprehensive integrity and linkage. FPC-2023 is a convincing answer to those Western politicians who stubbornly consider Russia a semi-peripheral zone in the global space. From FPC-2023 it clearly follows that the strategically “unprofitable” search for a balance between the possible and the impossible has ended. It fully takes into account the negativism of the predominant part of the Western political establishment towards Russia, which has sharply increased in connection with the special military operation in Ukraine. The new Concept takes into account the destructive features of today's crisis geopolitics, but does not block constructive paths to a more optimistic future of international relations.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):5-17
5-17
Crisis of values’ convergence in relations between Central Europe and Brussels
Abstract
The article analyses the origins of the current differences between Brussels and the countries of Central Europe, which tend to deepen and require much effort in order to preserve the unity of the European Union. The contradictions were already evident at the time of the admission of the countries to the EU, that took place according to an accelerated scenario in conditional compliance of these countries with the Maastricht and Copenhagen criteria. The condition, which dealt directly with the issues of market expansion and adaptation of new countries to it, initially received more attention than the condition, which involved political and legal issues. The deepening of the political union of the EU took place already after the admission of new countries, for many of which the new depths of convergence turned out to be unacceptable. However, that meant provoking confrontation with Brussels. Over 20 years of coexistence, the EU members made necessary compromises, however, from the middle of the second decade of the 21st century, disagreements became substantial and Brussels, using the financial leverage of the EU, began to pressure defiant countries, primarily Hungary and Poland. The author comes to the conclusion that in the current difficult international situation, the sides will have to reach a certain compromise.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):18-30
18-30
Turkey - The West: exemplary antagonism?
Abstract
The article examines the Western direction of Turkey's foreign policy and its relations with its three key actors: the United States, NATO and the EU. By its centenary, which Turkey is celebrating on 29th of October, 2023, Ankara seeks to approach the status of an independent supra-regional power. For a long time, Turkey has served as a "junior ally" of Washington, but in the era of the polycentricity’s construction, it has significantly changed its foreign policy priorities. Relations with the United States have moved from an "exemplary partnership" to the rank of an exemplary antagonism and the path to "united Europe" has turned out to be more problematic and not profitable for Ankara from the point of view of its national interests. The NATO bloc has lost its primary importance due to Turkey's development of its own military-industrial complex and growing contradictions with existing and potential members of the alliance. Nevertheless, the West still has a great influence on economic and other related fields affecting the well-being of Ankara. In this regard, building constructive relations with the West remains one of the tasks of Turkey's foreign policy. The authors conclude that under current circumstances the complete political sovereignty of Ankara and its separation from the West can only occur within the framework of the "independence through dependence" model since Turkey due to the lack of its own resources for crisis-free existence will need the support of other stronger world players, such as Russia and, for example, China.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):31-43
31-43
The UK’s role in shaping the anti-russian policy of The West
Abstract
In the context of the Ukrainian crisis, Western countries have significantly intensified their anti-Russian policy along with its collective development. The article examines the role of the UK in the process of multilateral formation of the collective Western anti-Russian policy. The theoretical basis of the study is the spatial approach and organisational theory. Based on the analysis of institutional-identitarian dynamics using the qualitative and quantitative content analysis, the British foreign policy identity, the transnational identity of the political space of the West, and their mutual influence are explored. It is concluded that the anti-Russian aspects of the foreign policy narratives of the UK and the collective West generally coincide. However, there are features in the corresponding discourse in the UK, which bring it closer to the discourse of the countries of the Anglosphere. International institutions and practices with the participation of the UK are considered, their compliance with anti-Russian narratives is substantiated. The article reveals the directions of British foreign policy that have the most influence on the collective policy of the West. The study focuses on cases where the British leadership was the first to take certain anti-Russian measures, encouraging other countries to follow its example. The reverse impact of international institutions and practices on the British foreign policy identity was analysed. It is argued that the UK has a significant influence on the formation of a collective anti-Russian policy, and is one of the leaders of the West in this context.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):44-56
44-56
German food security in times of crisis
Abstract
The article deals with the German food security during the conflict in Ukraine. The study analyses the German food system resilience and the Ukrainian crisis impact on food security. The author aims to solve several scientific problems as well. The article examines the German understanding of food security and how the national concept corresponds to the approaches of international organisations. The author analyses the level of self-sufficiency in basic food products in Germany and the impact of the Ukrainian conflict on various imported food products. She examines official documents of the UN FAO, the government of Germany, and the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Food to identify the conception of food security in Germany. The researcher scrutinises statistic data provided by the Federal Ministry of Food and Agriculture, the Federal Office for Food and Agriculture, the Federal Statistical Office and concludes about the level of German self-sufficiency in food. The interpretation of data data of fluctuations in the supply of oilseeds and oil reveals the effect of Ukrainian crisis on German food security as well. Official papers and statistic data analysis shows that Germany achieved self-sufficiency in basic food. The country focuses on strengthening the sustainability of agriculture and improving food quality in its national strategic papers. The weak element of food security is imports of oil and oilseeds, the supply of which declined in 2022. At the same time, raising prices and declining supplies of gas and fertilisers can become a serious threat to food security.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):57-71
57-71
Nicolas Sarkozy and the Eurozone crisis: federalisation of the EU budget and finance sector
Abstract
The article explores President of France N. Sarkozy’s contribution to overcoming the eurozone crisis in 2010 by analyzing the strategy of his diplomatic actions, as well as identifying the goals and motivations underlying them. The rescue of the European currency required a close coordination between Paris and Berlin. Despite differing views on the practical modalities related to the implementation of the European Economic Government project, the Franco-German tandem managed to convince the EU partners to take immediate action aimed at improving public financial management practices. Under the pretext of saving Greece from default, the euro zone from disintegration, and the European Union from economic destabilisation, the President of France, with the support of the German Chancellor, achieved the creation of the European Stabilization Mechanism and the European Financial Stability Fund, which were the first autonomous financial structures in the European Union to be managed directly by the bureaucracy in Brussels. Nicolas Sarkozy initiated the EU financial stability collective tools, which are still operating in the EU and functioning in accordance with the logic proposed by France in the midst of the eurozone public debt crisis.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):72-83
72-83
Denmark: portfolio allocation in the government and parliament in the sphere of foreign policy
Abstract
The growing number of coalition governments in European states, many of which are minority governments, raises questions about how they form and function. The case of Denmark, where such governments have long become a part of political everyday life, helps to identify the main specific features of foreign policy portfolio allocation in the cabinet and the Danish parliament, since the Kingdom is one of the most successful examples of cooperation between the government and parliament in the field of foreign policy and defence. The article analyses the mechanisms and factors for the foreign policy portfolio allocation in 2001-2023, taking into account successive "blue" and "red" party blocs. Various theories of coalition formation and portfolio allocation in coalition governments are used to explain the distinguishing features of such allocation at a particular historical stage. In addition, general features of the development of the Danish political system at the present stage, the main trends and prospects for this development are considered. The authors conclude that when allocating portfolios in the government, preference is given to "junior" coalition partners, while in parliament - to "senior" ones; the opinion of the Danish People's Party is taken into account by coalition partners without the Party’s inclusion in the government; the choice is given in favour of popular and authoritative politicians constituting the foreign policy elite of Denmark over the past three decades; the functioning of the Foreign Policy Committee provides some kind of balance of power in the Danish Parliament on foreign and defence policy. It is also found out that the strategies for coalition formation and foreign policy portfolio allocation do not significantly differ between the "blue" and "red" party blocs, but follow the same logic aimed at maintaining the stability of the minority government’s position.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):84-95
84-95
Alternative economic relations under sanctions
Abstract
The current international relations crisis caused significant adjustments to the foreign economic activity. During the sanctions confrontation, new restrictions affect more and more tradable sectors, which makes it impossible to maintain previously purchased equipment. It also contradicts legal obligations and the terms of warranty service in the field of spare parts supplies. Buyers represented by government agencies, legal entities and ordinary citizens who trusted Western (mostly European) manufacturers find it hard to deal with the situation. The state is forced to look for ways to supply products and spare parts for previously imported equipment. This process is called “critical import”. Alternative ways of trade development will in fact not only increase the chances to overcome the current international relations crisis, but will also give impetus to variety of possible scenarios for the world trade evolution. This article examines alternative ways of developing international economic cooperation, as well as the development of international relations in the short and medium term prospects. Parallel import is likely to increase during the current crisis and also various trade schemes are likely to develop, namely, barter, deliveries through third countries, the organisation of trading houses.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):96-104
96-104
International labor migration policy of the European Union
Abstract
The cross-border movement of labour is associated with an objective need for the host country to accept and comply with the relevant rules. This problem has always existed for the European Union and its member states due to the attractiveness of the region for migrant workers, relatively high standard of living and the widely diversified sectoral structure of the economy. Based on the analysis of the relevant directives, the article chronologises the stages of regulation of international labour migration in the EU with an emphasis on the present. Close attention is given to the EU regulatory practice of the issues of attracting highly qualified and seasonal labour third-countries workers, students and researchers, facilitating intra-corporate transfers. In this context the regulatory vector in the area of international labour migration to the EU is aimed at obtaining benefits from the influx of the necessary labour force through the creation of favorable conditions for its integration into European society. The implementation of Directive on the conditions of entry and residence of third-country nationals for the purpose of highly qualified employment will depend on the applicable practices of the EU member states. The study reveals the dualism of the economic effects of international labor migration received by the EU at present: positive in the form of a relative reduction in unit costs due to labor components, the flow of technological knowledge and negative ones associated with the displacement of part of local labor resources, the outflow of funds from foreign workers, changes in the structure of aggregate demand, the impact on the level of wages, aggravation of interethnic and interfaith conflicts against the background of a low level of integration of foreigners into local society.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):105-118
105-118
Features of social protection by implementing the right to disconnect
Abstract
The article examines the realisation of the right to disconnect in the framework of workers’ social protection. The study explores different approaches to the definition of a new right. The right to disconnect is analysed on the basis of targeting and universality of social protection, soft and hard measures, the components of the new right, which include workers’ opportunity, employers’ responsibility, communication between employers and workers, protection from adverse consequences. The legal acts that serve as a foundation of the right to disconnect create a separate work pattern of teleworkers, which affects the formation of the targeting approach to social protection. The regulation of the right to disconnect introduced in European Social Partner framework agreement on digitalisation and European Parliament resolution of 21 January 2021 with recommendations to the Commission on the right to disconnect gives a more universal approach. The Resolution acknowledges the right to disconnect as a fundamental right and proposes hard regulatory and technological measures to ensure observation of work and rest periods. The agreement is based on the change in corporate culture. It is revealed that nowadays the right to disconnect serves as the only project aimed at regulating digital working relations in the framework of social protection of remote workers, however R2D can be limited by a narrow category of teleworkers. Debates over the right to disconnect touch upon the issue of the effectiveness of social dialogue in the context of adaptation to digital work organisation, as well as the possibility of keeping binary understanding of work and rest periods.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):119-132
119-132
New religious movements as an object of scientific study in modern Italy
Abstract
The study focuses on the phenomenon of new religious movements (NRM) in Italy. The work aims at identifying and analysing the main research directions of the Italian Center for Studies on New Religions (CESNUR) in order to distinguish its ideas from those of the secular anti-cult movement and the ecclesiastical movement against the sects. The supporters of the antisectarians study tactics of behavior of the NRMs, the movement against the sects explore the doctrinal aspects of the beliefs. The author concludes that the attempt to save adherents from the sect is not conditioned by concerns about their spirituality but aims to bring them into the fold of orthodoxy. There is a desire to criminalise the problem by appealing to the crimes of individual NRMs and extrapolating them to any manifestation of non-traditional religiosity. Since the 90s of the 20th century, the Italian scientific community opposes this practice, as it hypothetically creates a precedent whereby the state can regulate any form of religious life of its citizens, question the law on religious freedom, stigmatise certain groups of society. According to Italian scientists, NRMs should become an object of a scientific rather than criminological interest. It is therefore not recommended to use the criteria of "true/false" in their study and to consider them exclusively from the point of view of deviation from the generally recognised norm. The exploration of such movements provides valuable material for the study of such topics as macro- and micro-identity of society, "temperature" of social spirituality, openness to new religious experiences, fidelity to traditions.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):133-146
133-146
Traditional social institutions in Romanian youth policy
Abstract
Youth policy is an important area of the EU social policy. The national specificity of the EU member states allows different models for the implementation of youth policy, corresponding to their history and political culture. The study aims to explore a transition from the universalist model of implementing the Romanian youth policy of the socialist period to a centralised (or Mediterranean) one in which traditional social institutions play a pivotal role, such as family and the Church. The study applies the content analysis and the systemic method. Romania's accession to the EU made the government pay more attention to the youth. The funds for the youth policy were allocated from European integration funds. The government's strategy was to develop education and additional educational services and help children and the youth without parental care and large families. However, the quality of education deteriorated, aid did not reach its recipients, and tactically strategic goals were not achieved. The state youth policy turned out to be ineffective. The Romanian Orthodox Church (RuOC) became involved in solving issues of supporting children and the youth. Together with municipalities, sponsors, foreign philanthropists, the RuOC opens a network of social centers for children of permanent residence, day care, socio-cultural (educational, leisure, sports). The RuOC conducts actions in support of the development of secondary education to prevent dropouts from school, provide clothing and school supplies, study native history, etc. In general, the participation of the RuOC in solving youth problems convincingly indicates that a centralised model for the implementation of youth policy has been formed in Romania.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):147-160
147-160
Kingdom of saudi arabia in the late 1920-s - early 1930-s: lessons from the soviet - british competition
Abstract
A short, from a historical perspective, but extremely meaningful and impactful episode for the history of Russian/Soviet diplomacy in the Arab East, or rather dealing with the work of Soviet diplomats in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), is examined holistically in this article, following a thorough analysis of materials from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation and the UK Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office’s Archive, largely introduced into scholarly discourse for the first time here. The author’s attention is focused on the contest between the Soviet Union and the UK, which was still the most powerful western nation in Arabia, although the Kingdom had never been colonized, within the period - late 1920-s through early 1930-s - witnessing the emerging changes in history related to the nascent state set up by Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud. The period under review directly preceded such a most significant event for the bilateral relations as the 1932 visit to the Soviet Union by the KSA founder’s and ruler’s son - the governor of Hijaz and Foreign Minister of the KSA, Emir Faisal Ibn Abdul Aziz. It is shown that, although the British were actively using their foreign policy expertise to push back Moscow and prevent it from gaining power in the Kingdom, including through trade deals, the Soviet diplomats contrived to effectively leverage the feeling of good grace that the Saudis had for the Soviet Union, as a state that had never attempted to colonize the Arab world and had always treated the Arabs on an equal footing, which the British representatives could never afford. At the same time, the Soviet diplomats, like the British, but to a lesser degree, committed mistakes in assessing the situation and in reacting to its developments, thus useful lessons can be drawn for the modern times.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):161-177
161-177
Russia and Japan: the beginning of the hard journey
Abstract
In the middle of the 18th century, neighboring Russia began to show interest in Japan. Russia acquired vast territories of Eastern Siberia and Far East which made the countries the closest neighbors. In 1648 on the shore of the Sea of Okhotsk the first Russian settlement Kosoy Ostrozhok appeared, which marked the beginning of the development of the new lands of the Far East by Cossack detachments. Russians first learned about Japan from European books describing travels to that country and from the few notes of those Russians who had been to China and got acquainted with Japanese culture there. Before its "opening" in 1853, Japan allowed only the Dutch and Chinese into the country. The closure was partly due to attempts by the Portuguese to convert the Japanese to the Catholic faith, but mainly to protect the country from the threat of European colonialism. Having become Japan's neighbor, the Russians tried to establish ties with Japan with neither religious nor invasive plans. However, despite repeated attempts by Peter the Great and his successors to convince the Japanese, they failed to do so. Russians got there very rarely and only as prisoners, and the Japanese happened to be in Russia after shipwrecks or navigational errors. The more Russia learned about Japan, the stronger was the desire to establish relations with it. Since the beginning of the 18th century Russia repeatedly sent maritime expeditions to explore the Kurils and Sakhalin. Similar efforts were made by the Japanese. These territories, including Hokkaido, were inhabited mainly by the Ainu and Nivkhi, and Russians and Japanese appeared from time to time on these islands, but the attempt to determine their state affiliation was made only in 1855. Until that time all Russian attempts to establish diplomatic and trade relations with Japan had failed. At the same time the result of these efforts was an accumulation of knowledge about each other and a growing mutual interest. Peter's interest in Japan was determined primarily by the fact that Russia's access to the Pacific Ocean required the development of new lands, and trade relations with Japan could be an important element in their economic development.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):178-189
178-189
Latvia and Estonia: the soviet period of economic development
Abstract
The article analyses the Soviet period of Latvia and Estonia, which turned out to be very productive for their socio-economic development. In the Baltic republics, there were nо resources necessary for the development of the national economy. Latvia and Estonia were almost completely dependent on supplies from outside the region. At the same time, they had the advantage over other republics in terms of geographic position, in particular a network of seaports. The transit potential of the Baltic States was one of the main factors of preferential investment. New industrial enterprises were created, power plants, seaports, airfields were built, transport highways were laid. The processes of modernization were supported by labour migration from other republics of the USSR and subsidised by the central government. At the same time a highly qualified and skilled personnel was formed, trained both in educational institutions of Latvia and Estonia, and in leading universities in Moscow, Leningrad and other cities of the Soviet Union. Today Latvia and Estonia, along with the Czech Republic and Slovenia, occupy leading positions among the post-socialist countries of Europe in terms of socio-economic development. Based on a broad factual material, it is demonstrated that a significant contribution to their development belongs to the Soviet heritage.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):190-200
190-200
A.A. Gromyko and Security Policy: Strategic Detente Project
Abstract
The article continues the study of the role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko in the shaping, development and maintenance of security policy, its principles and structural elements. The relevance of the article is determined by the importance of strategy and strategic thinking in modern foreign policy and diplomacy, their influence on interstate cooperation, the evolution and manageability of international relations. The subject of the article is the study of the strategic project of detente developed by A.A. Gromyko to 1972-1973. The chronological framework of the study is limited to 1972 and 1973. The article consists of three subsections. The first subsection examines the criteria for bilateralism and presents the conditions for concluding new agreements, substantiates the importance of purposeful work on new agreements. The second subsection analyzes the differences between formal balance and equal security. At present, the concept of «equal security» has become a structural element of the foreign policy doctrine and security doctrine of the Russian Federation. The third subsection characterizes the content of the strategic project, the features of differentiated cooperation - the interaction of the USSR with small, medium and large countries, shows the meaning of the concept of «pure national interest», mechanisms for the transition to a «long-term detente» of international tension. The author explores the approaches of A.A. Gromyko to a new system of international relations during the negotiations on the Moscow Treaty. The possible practical application of the main elements of the project in modern times is determined. The sources of the article are published documents of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany. The author conducts the analysis on the basis of the foreign partners' assessment of the statements made by the Soviet Foreign Minister during official negotiations.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):201-210
201-210
Model of “soft” and “hard” euroscepticism: Estonian case
Abstract
The article explores the features of party Euroscepticism on the example of the Estonian case. A classification of a number of modern Estonian political parties is given on the basis of their classification as “hard” or “soft” Eurosceptics. Based on this typology the author structured the Estonian party-political landscape on the issue of European integration. The importance of this factor in the Estonian party-political space, which influences the further course of European integration in this Baltic state, is highlighted. The scale of anti-European sentiments in modern Estonia has been determined. The study identifies the reasons for the significant increase in electoral support for parties advocating anti-EU positions. It is revealed that the Conservative People’s Party of Estonia (CPPE) demonstrates a consistent increase in the number of its members and is gaining more and more popularity among the Estonians and has an ever-increasing influence on Estonian politics. Represented in Parliament since 2015, the CPPE has achieved in 2019-2021 its entry into the government coalition. It is considered how the CPPE, which previously occupied a marginal position, is implementing its goal of gradually increasing its influence and entering the political forefront. Taking into account the analysis of the latest election program of the CPPE (for the parliamentary elections in March 2023), it was determined in which direction the radical Estonian populists are moving. At present the trend towards a steady increase in Euroscepticism in Estonia has changed to a course towards relative stabilization of the Eurosceptic mood of voters. Discursive and institutional methods were applied in the study.
Sovremennaâ Evropa. 2023;(5 (119)):211-219
211-219