No 2 (2025)

The subject of the study is the competition between the two largest trading houses in the Russian Far East - the Russian firm Churin & Co. and the German company Kunst & Albers. The article examines the main forms and methods of competition between these enterprises in the context of the socio-economic development of the region and state policy in the second half of the 19th - early 20th centuries. The history of the creation and development of these companies, the features of their retail networks, and their contribution to the urban life of Vladivostok, Khabarovsk, and other centers of the region are analyzed. The work includes an analysis of business strategies, interactions with authorities, adaptation to political changes (including the anti-German campaign during the First World War), as well as the influence of the rivalry between the trading houses Churin & Co. and Kunst & Albers on the development of the Far Eastern region of the Russian Empire. The methodology is based on the problem-chronological and comparative-historical approaches, with the involvement of archival materials (documents of the Ministry of Trade and Industry, the office of the Primorsky Governor-General), reports of government inspectors, the press and business correspondence. The scientific novelty of the work lies both in the formulation of the problem and in the comprehensive study of the transformation of economic competition into an instrument of political struggle, as well as in identifying the mechanisms of interaction between business and the state in the conditions of a peripheral region. The main conclusions of the study can be formulated as follows. The competition between the firms "Churin and Co" and "Kunst and Albers", combining market methods and political lobbying, became one of the main drivers of the region's development, contributing to the development of infrastructure, logistics and consumer culture. State policy (free port regime, government orders) determined the success of the companies. During periods of crisis, such as World War I, competition took on a destructive character: economic rivalry was replaced by ideological struggle, including slander campaigns and blackmail, which reflected the subordination of business to the political situation. The study confirms the thesis about the interdependence of economic and political factors in the development of peripheral regions of the empire, where business strategies were formed within the framework of a dialogue with state priorities.

The article examines the ideological evolution of the Chinese-Russian strategic partnership in the context of the 80th anniversary of the victory over fascism, revealing the dialectic of historical memory and modern values. The purpose of the work is to identify how the anti-fascist narrative is transformed into an ideological basis for the formation of the concept of a “community of common destiny” amid the crisis of the liberal world order. Based on the methodology of Marxist historical materialism, the continuity of the transition from anti-fascist solidarity to the concept of a “community of common destiny” is analyzed through the integration of Qin Yaqing’s theory of “relations” and the concept of “Greater Eurasia” developed by Russian researchers. The article presents a comparative analysis of K. Mannheim’s ideological constructs, revealing the transformation of the anti-fascist narrative into an instrument for legitimizing strategic interaction that overcomes class limitations. The study demonstrates that the synthesis of historical justice and multilateral cooperation forms an alternative model of global governance based on the principles of equality and the rejection of hegemony. This work contributes to the decolonization of theories of international relations. The author uses an interdisciplinary approach: 1) historical and comparative analysis of archival documents and declarations; 2) critical discourse analysis of media texts and speeches by leaders; 3) theoretical reflection within the framework of Marxist dialectics and K. Mannheim's sociology of knowledge, revealing the connection between ideology and interests. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the development of an interdisciplinary analytical model, in which Marxist philosophy (including the dialectic of historical materialism and criticism of imperialist exploitation) is synthesized with modern theories of Sino-Russian relations. Using the example of the evolution from the anti-fascist class solidarity of the 1940s to the concept of a “community of common destiny,” it is demonstrated that proletarian internationalism is transformed into a hybrid paradigm that combines national-state pragmatism with Eurasian civilizational complementarity. Through the prism of the Marxist theory of class struggle, the unique logic of anti-hegemonic resistance is revealed: from military-political symbiosis against Nazism to institutional creation (SCO, BRICS) as a means of denying the "dictatorship of force" under conditions of digital capitalism. It is established that the synthesis of two traditions—Marxist critique of the alienation of labor and Chinese-Russian concepts of relational justice—forms a new epistemology of global governance, where historical legitimation through anti-fascist rhetoric is rethought as a tool for decolonizing international relations, and collective security is materialized through technological sovereignty and network alliances.

The object of the research is the Eurasian transport routes. The subject of the research is the influence of geopolitical risks and conflicts on the stability of transport corridors in Eurasia in the context of contemporary political challenges. The author explores in detail the impact of anti-Russian sanctions on the functioning of the Northern Eurasian corridor, as well as the development of the multilateral "North-South" transport corridor initiated by Russia. It analyzes how the sanctions have changed the dynamics of transit flows and contributed to a rethinking of the logistics strategies of the participating countries. Special attention is given to the study of China's involvement in shaping alternative routes through Central Asia and the Caspian region, including the TMTM (Trans-Caspian International Transport Route) project and the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway. The research examines the attempts of Central Asian countries to adapt to new geopolitical realities and their role in ensuring the stability of transport corridors. A comprehensive approach was applied in the research methodology, including qualitative and quantitative comparative analysis, using scientific literature on the subject and statistical data. The novelty of the research lies in complementing the existing literature, which allowed for the gathering of information on the research topic, although it did not fully address the set theme. As a result of the study, it was found that the risks caused by conflicts and sanctions have significantly influenced the restructuring of traditional transport routes in Eurasia. Countries such as Russia and China have been forced to seek alternatives to established transport flows. Central Asian countries, in turn, have gained opportunities to enhance cooperation in developing transport infrastructure on their territory. However, the successful integration of alternative routes, such as TMTM and the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan railway, into the existing infrastructure will require significant efforts from the participating countries. The research indicates that China is diversifying its transport routes, aiming to ensure several alternatives for transportation in case of emerging conflicts and unstable economic situations. Under sanctions, China retains the ability to transit both through Russia and via other routes.

This research examines the phenomenon of civil resistance and its influence on shaping the world order following the Cold War. The study combines quantitative analysis of resistance campaigns from 1989-2018 based on the NAVCO project data with an examination of contemporary literature on non-violent struggle. The methodology employs a comparative approach to evaluate the effectiveness of various forms of civil resistance across different historical and cultural contexts. The research findings confirm the greater effectiveness of non-violent resistance methods compared to violent ones while revealing a concerning trend of declining effectiveness of civil resistance in recent decades. The study provides a systematic analysis of how the digital revolution and globalization have transformed civil resistance forms after 1989. A significant contribution is the comparative examination of the outcomes of the "velvet revolutions" in Central and Eastern Europe and the Tiananmen Square events, which led to the formation of alternative development models. The author concludes that the contemporary multipolar system of international relations is characterized by the coexistence of various models of social development competing for influence and recognition. The research demonstrates how civil resistance has evolved through several distinct phases since 1989, from the post-Cold War euphoria to the complex dynamics of the Arab Spring and recent environmental movements. The research predicts the emergence of new forms of civil resistance focused not primarily on political transformations but on addressing global challenges such as the climate crisis, economic inequality, and digital control. The significance of civil resistance in coming decades will be determined by its ability to adapt to new geopolitical realities, consider national and cultural specifics, and offer constructive alternatives to existing models.

This article examines the principle of non-intervention of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the context of the Rohingya humanitarian crisis. Its relevance stems from growing international concern over mass human rights violations in Myanmar and the urgent need to assess the capacity of regional response mechanisms. In the context of intensifying globalization and regional integration, such a research topic appears necessary for rethinking the resilience of ASEAN’s normative foundations in a changing international environment. The object of the study is the institutional principle of non-intervention in ASEAN’s activities, while the subject is its application during the Rohingya crisis. The aim is to determine how strict adherence to non-intervention affects ASEAN’s legitimacy and institutional role in protecting civilian populations and upholding international norms. The research employs document analysis (including scholarly publications, NGO reports, legal instruments, and normative texts), case studies, and secondary data analysis. Findings reveal that the principle of non-intervention obstructs the establishment of binding sanctions and oversight mechanisms by the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), manifests selective application favoring powerful member states, and effectively serves to shield authoritarian regimes rather than to defend human rights. The findings of this study challenge the viability of ASEAN’s existing approaches to integration and crisis resolution. The scientific novelty lies in systematically exposing the direct link between the norm of non-intervention and ASEAN’s institutional weakness in the face of humanitarian catastrophes. The paper concludes by recommending a reform of non-intervention procedures, the introduction of collective sanction mechanisms for mass human rights violations, and the creation of an independent ASEAN human rights tribunal to balance state sovereignty with the “responsibility to protect”.

This article is dedicated to a comprehensive analysis of the trade war between China and the United States, which by 2025 has reached a stage of strategic confrontation, encompassing not only the economy but also the realm of technology, currency policy, and global governance. The author examines the origins of the conflict, the evolution of tariff policies, the geopolitical and institutional consequences of the standoff, and its impact on the fragmentation of the global economy. Special attention is paid to the transformation of the international system under the influence of increased competition for technological sovereignty, the rise of protectionism, changes in the structure of global supply chains, and the growing influence of non-Western institutions, including BRICS+, the New Development Bank, and CIPS. The analysis also covers the responses of other countries and regions, demonstrating the decentralization of global economic governance and the strengthening of regional alliances. The work employs a comprehensive interdisciplinary approach that combines the analysis of trade and economic statistics, legislative acts, international agreements, and geopolitical dynamics, relying on comparative political economy and elements of systemic analysis. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the conceptualization of the trade war between the US and China as a tool for the strategic redistribution of global power rather than as an isolated economic conflict. The author demonstrates that the escalation of the standoff between the US and China initiated the breakdown of the previous model of globalization and stimulated the formation of a bipolar world system. For the first time, the interconnection between internal economic problems in the US and their foreign economic policy aimed at containing China is emphasized. The conclusions indicate a persistent trend towards regionalization, the growing influence of developing countries, the institutional paralysis of the WTO, and the formation of parallel mechanisms for global governance. The author emphasizes that resolving the conflict requires a transition to a co-evolution model that combines competition and cooperation; otherwise, the world will face increasing fragmentation and instability.

The article raises the problem of the genesis of the capitalist economic system in the context of the possible influence of natural factors. Particular attention in this regard is paid to the search for variants of the relationship between climatic processes and socio-economic phenomena in traditional societies. Thus, the object of this study are the factors of the formation of industrial capitalism in European countries, and the subject of the study is the scientific discussion of the role of natural conditions in the process of the "Great Divergence". The author pays attention to the history of production, distribution and consumption of agricultural products in Russia and England to test the theoretical theses of domestic and foreign researchers in the field of political economy, related to the direction of "historical environmentalism". A critical analysis of the historical sources allows to reconstruct the processes that led to the creation of the capitalist economy than it was done in the initial stages of the scientific discussion on this issue. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of historical institutionalism, an interdisciplinary approach to the study of socio-economic phenomena and a historical-systemic method. Based on classical and modern research, as well as historical statistics, the author disputes the thesis about the fundamental role of the “Little Ice Age” in the lagging of the Russian state behind Western European countries in terms of economic development. The author concludes that the causes of the "Great Divergence" should be sought in a complex of social, rather than geographical or climatic factors. Thus, the imbalance in the development of commercial agricultural production in Russia should be sought not so much in the natural and climatic, but in the socio-technological field.