Том 11, № 3 (2024)

Мұқаба

Бүкіл шығарылым

PROBLEMS OF THE ELITE STUDIES

Intra-elite communication: collisions of ideological and narrative symbolization

Solovyev A.

Аннотация

Тhe central place of the ruling circles in the organization of the political order not only screens the influence of the civil sector on the distribution of public resources, but also turns intra-elite relations into the epicenter of the entire system of public administration. In contrast to the prevailing use of ideological symbolization tools in the public sphere, which allow managing discursive processes, in their internal relations, elite circles use narrative constructions that allow them to more accurately and quickly isolate the meanings of political messages of opponents at different levels, which are necessary to increase competitiveness, effective maneuvering, predict the prospects for their influence in the power structures, etc. Relying on the relevant cognitive and value-oriented structures of the group and individual consciousness of representatives of elite circles, political narratives not only encourage their communicative activity, contributing to the effective implementation of political and administrative functions, but also increase their distance from society and its interests. New divisions of elite strata preserve the prospect of their further autonomy, as well as an increase in the diversity of narratives used that influence the goals of state policy.
Power and Elites. 2024;11(3):7-28
pages 7-28 views

CAREERS AND RECRUITMENT OF POLITICAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE ELITES

The leadership of the social ministries of the Russian government: features of recruitment sources and career trajectories

Tev D.

Аннотация

The recruitment channels and careers of high-ranking officials of the social ministries of the Russian government are analyzed. The study is based on a biographical database of 104 deputy ministers and department directors from six ministries. The study showed that bureaucratic professionalization is the most pronounced characteristic of officials’ careers. The main channel for their recruitment is the federal administration, and the vast majority have already worked in their ministry for some time before taking on their current position. These trends may indicate the importance of meritocratic selection based on competence. However, officials with a career spent primarily in the federal administration, especially in one ministry, are in the minority. There is interdepartmental mobility, with a number of officials came from the financial ministries, which can increase the influence of these bodies on the social bloc, contributing to the formation of its policies in a neoliberal spirit. After the administrative sphere, the most significant supplier of officials are social organizations subordinate to ministries (institutions of science, education, health care, social security, culture and sports). At the same time, business occupies a relatively modest place as a channel for recruiting officials from social ministries (especially in comparison with economic ministries). In general work experience in business, as well as regional administrations and social organizations, is found more often, and intradepartmental recruitment is less common among deputy ministers. In addition, there are ministries with particularly pronounced intradepartmental recruitment and ministries with relatively developed recruitment from business. Finally, in some ministries there is overlap between ministers and their subordinates in previous careers, which may indicate a patrimonial nature of selection.
Power and Elites. 2024;11(3):29-57
pages 29-57 views

POWER AND ELITES IN RUSSIAN CITIES AND TOWNS

Evolution of the legislative assembly of St. Petersburg (1995–2007)

Sungurov A.

Аннотация

The evolution of the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg of the first three convocations (1995–2007) is considered, as well as briefly the activities of the Leningrad (after September 1991 — St. Petersburg) City Council of the XXI convocation (Lensovet). In these convocations, deputies were elected according to the majority system in 50 electoral districts. The most effective was the activity of the first convocation of the Legislative Assembly, which worked from the end of 1994 to the end of 1998. It was by the forces of the deputies of this convocation that the constitution of the city — subject of the Russian Federation was prepared and adopted — the Charter of St. Petersburg, which laid down the principles of separation and balance of powers, and also provided for the creation of the Statutory Court of St. Petersburg and the Institute of the Commissioner for Human Rights in St. Petersburg. This was achieved largely due to the high-quality composition of the Legislative Assembly, in which one third of deputies were deputies of the Leningrad City Council before that. As part of the activities of the Second Convocation of the Legislative Assembly (1999–2002), the law “On the Statutory Court of St. Petersburg” was adopted, and the Charter Court itself was elected. He made it possible to strengthen the system of checks and balances of the branches of regional government, and in his 2002 decisions, in particular, decided that the election of Governor V.A. Yakovlev for a third term would contradict the city Charter. During this period, the pressure of the executive power of St. Petersburg on deputies was partially offset by pressure from the Plenipotentiary Representative of the President of the Russian Federation. The third convocation (2003–2007) was characterized by a further strengthening of monocentrism and the emergence of the dominant faction of the United Russia Party. Under pressure from the Governor of St. Petersburg, deputies made serious amendments to the law “On the Statutory Court of St. Petersburg”, which significantly reduced its independence.
Power and Elites. 2024;11(3):58-99
pages 58-99 views

Representative authority in Russian municipalities: composition of the deputy corpus

Vitkovskaya T.

Аннотация

The article is about the composition and structure of the deputy corps of representative bodies of local self-government in modern Russia. The informal internal structure of the deputy collective is shown — the division of the deputy corps into segments: employees of municipal budgetary institutions, employees of municipal unitary enterprises, representatives of small private business, representatives of large business. The circumstances that constitute the context of the election and deputy activities of representatives of different segments are explained. The causes and consequences of the independence / dependence of the segments of assemblies on the executive power are revealed. The article is written based on the materials of an empirical study of power in five Russian municipalities, and a database containing information on the professional and corporate composition of representative bodies of local self-government of these municipalities (Berezovsky, Verkhny Tagil, Gubakha, Kushva, Chusovoy). The author sees the study of the composition of local assemblies and its effects on local politics as a relevant scientific task, and the study of the sectors of the municipal deputy corps as a step towards its solution.
Power and Elites. 2024;11(3):100-117
pages 100-117 views

SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND PROTESTS

Social media in Russia: new forms of political participation. Main approaches (2010–2022)

Golbraih V.

Аннотация

Over the past decades, significant changes have occurred in the daily life of people due to the emergence of social media. The use of social networks has become an everyday practice of Russian citizens, which has also affected the sociopolitical sphere. The use of social networks has become a daily practice of Russian citizens, which has also affected the socio-political sphere, which has caused increasing attention from domestic authors to this problem. The article is devoted to a review of Russian studies of this one of the most pressing problems. In domestic literature, the use of social media in conflicts caused by various problems is actively studied. Russian authors analyze new forms of political participation, new types of social movements, and the transformation of collective action. Some researchers believe that social media is being formed as a social institution. In this regard, we can talk about the process of institutionalization of new forms of political participation. At the same time, there are gaps in domestic studies: the influence of social media on political participation; organizations of social movements; transformation of collective action. In domestic literature, a critical look at social media is not visible, for example, the influence of the commercial and political component of social media. The growth of social media research provides confidence that new work will provide answers to a variety of still poorly understood aspects of political participation in social media.
Power and Elites. 2024;11(3):118-136
pages 118-136 views

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