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No 5 (133) (2025)
EUROPEAN PROCESS: COUNTRIES AND REGIONS
Digital Euro Within the Categories of International Political Economy
Abstract
Over 100 countries around the world are discussing and implementing projects to introduce central bank digital currencies (CBDCs). In November 2023, the European Central Bank launched a two-year preparation phase for the potential issuance of a digital euro. Having a vast experience in constructing interbank trans-border settlement systems, now it has to design and implement an infrastructure for retail trans-border payments. European officials regard the digital euro as an important geopolitical instrument since it is expected to play a crucial role in strengthening the strategic autonomy of the European Union. This article aims to detect and evaluate preconditions that are essential for the implementation of the project and are likely to shape its overall outcome. Analysis is based on the principles of International Political Economy (IPE). It proceeds from the assumption that the global economic system has a hierarchical structure which sets limits for any specific actor's decisions and hamper resorting to universal solutions. The results suggest that in the move to a digital euro the EU (and the ECB in particular) face greater challenges than China, Russia and other major countries that plan to issue CBDCs. First, after decades of functioning of the Single European Market and the EMU, a deep fragmentation of retail payment systems across the euro area do persist. Second, euro area countries demonstrate sharp differences in the development of transborder digital commerce, e.g., in international trade in digitally-deliverable services. Therefore, their interests within negotiations on the future digital euro may not coincide that is likely to encumber the progress towards the European CBDC, as it happened with the European Payments Initiative launched in 2020. The geopolitical profile of a move to a digital euro includes two unfavorable for the EU components: the project is being implemented under strong external pressure and it aims to preserve rather than enrich accomplishments of European integration. When in 1999 the EU introduced the single currency, it set proactive goals – to make the euro an important international currency and to promote stabilization of the international monetary system. Now, 25 years later, the EU employs reactive goal setting – it strives to prevent dollarization of domestic payments that is looming over the euro area due to the infrastructural dominance of foreign payment services. However, without the single currency, the EU would have been left without any tools to oppose this type of external pressure.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):5–19
5–19
ODA Coordination in the EU: Role of European Commission
Abstract
The growing number of aid donors and the ambiguous impact of this trend on the recipients’ welfare remain relevant both globally and in Europe. The coherence of donors and their actions is one of the ways to overcome the possible repercussions of aid fragmentation. This article examines how the European Commission coordinates Member States and other European donors in delivering aid to developing countries. The authors seek to find new answers to the following questions: how exactly does the European Commission exercise its coordinating role in welfare development policy? Are the Member States themselves interested in this coordination? The study demonstrates the evolution of the European Commission's priorities as aid coordinator from increasing aid effectiveness to accumulating financial resources and responding promptly to crises. The study also elucidates the thesis that the European Commission aspires to strengthen its authority as aid coordinator in Europe to boost its political role. The member states (as well as Switzerland, Norway and the United Kingdom) are really interested in the coordinating role of the European Commission, despite the factors hindering the coherence of European donors (such as differences in priorities and resources, domestic politics, etc.). It is underlined that the scale effect and the recognizable “Team Europe” brand are the key advantages of the European Commission as aid coordinator.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):20–34
20–34
The Decline of French African Policy
Abstract
The article is dedicated to the interaction of France with the former colonies of Africa. The conceptual foundations of French African policy were laid by Charles de Gaulle in the middle of the last century. Subsequent leaders of the Republic made adjustments to them, trying to keep African countries dependent. During the presidency of E. Macron, France’s relations sharply deteriorated with countries such as Mali, Chad, Niger, the Central African Republic, Burkina Faso, Gabon and others. In the politics of the ruling elites of these countries, there is a protest against the presence of France in their countries, as well as a tendency towards independence and the choice of new partners, among which Russia is a priority. The reason for the change in the mood of African politicians lies in the fact that the so-called paternalistic relations that France maintained with African countries for a long time have not brought benefits. Problems such as poverty, ethnic and religious conflicts, and terrorist threats still remain unresolved, although France continues to assert itself as a reliable partner. E. Macron, like his predecessors, has attempted to rehabilitate African politics. However, the new approaches differ little from the previous ones. Their content testifies to the continuation of de Gaulle’s policy of “leaving in order to stay”. However, it is becoming increasingly difficult to do this. New players have entered the continent with more attractive offers of cooperation, for example, China. The author argues that France’s African policy does not stand the test of time. In the era of global restructuring of international relations, its influence on the African continent has significantly weakened.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):35–43
35–43
EU-Turkey Relations under the D. Trump Administration: a Quick "Warming"
Abstract
The article examines the evolution of relations within the Turkey-US-EU triangle after Donald Trump's return to the White House. During the first half of 2025, there was a significant increase in Turkey's role in the geopolitical landscape in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East, and the South Caucasus. Milestones included the change of power in Syria in December 2024, Israel's efforts to weaken pro-Iranian military infrastructure in the region (Hamas, Hezbollah, Houthi forces in Yemen) and, finally, the strikes by Israel and the US on nuclear and other military facilities of the Islamic Republic in mid-June 2025. It is clear that in the foreseeable future, Israel and Turkey, which are currently in antagonistic relations with each other, will remain the dominant military forces in the area from the Mediterranean Sea to the Persian Gulf. Ankara's military role in the region is predictably being translated into political sway there. Against the backdrop of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, Turkey's role in the Black Sea region also remains significant. Altogether, this significantly increases the EU's interest in and need for stable and mutually beneficial relations with Ankara. Add to this the "anti-European" swings of the Trump administration putting under question the stability of the transatlantic alliance. From now on, Brussels is doomed to seek new forms and instruments of interaction with Turkey — not only in the military-strategic sphere, but also across the entire long-standing agenda of their rather complex relations.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):44–55
44–55
Türkiye-Romania Relations: Peculiarities of Strategic Partnership (2011–2024)
Abstract
Despite the growing importance of the bilateral dimension of Turkish-Romanian relations, limited attention has been paid to their study outside the context of the Balkan and/or Black Sea policies of these states, as well as NATO and EU's policy in the Black Sea region. This research is aimed at analyzing Türkiye-Romania relations comprehensively, taking into account the foreign policy framework of bilateral relations, the intensified military-diplomatic and military-technical cooperation, trade and economic, cultural and humanitarian interaction. The chronological framework of the article is conditioned by the fact that in 2011 the two parties signed the Declaration of Strategic Partnership, which elevated the status of Turkish-Romanian relations. In 2024, a High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council was established for substantive discussion of medium and long-term projects, which might lead to further strengthening of cooperation between the states. From 2011 to 2020 Ankara and Bucharest primarily sought to develop close cooperation in the economic, investment and energy sectors. In addition, from the second half of the 2010s, Türkiye has to actively pursued its cultural and humanitarian influence in Romania. Since 2021, as tensions around the Ukrainian issue grew and it entered an acute phase, military-political ties between the two countries began to intensify, not only through NATO, but also by building bilateral military-technical cooperation and initiating their own multilateral agreements.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):56-66
56-66
PROBLEMS OF ECONOMY
The Space Sector of the Baltic-Scandinavian Macroregion: Infrastructure, Potential, and Challenges to Standort Competitiveness
Abstract
This article provides a comprehensive analysis of the space sector in the Baltic-Scandinavian Macroregion (BSM). The aim of the study is to assess the level of development, competitiveness, and institutional coherence of BSM as a potential macroregional space – Standort within the European and global contexts. The scope of the analysis includes the industrial supply chains of the rocket and satellite sectors, launch infrastructure (including Esrange, Andoya, SaxaVord, among others), strategic policy documents and government programmes, as well as both civil and military trajectories of space development. The research objectives are as follows: to characterize the geographical scope and composition of the BSM in line with the Standort approach; to provide a structural mapping of key industrial and launch actors; to analyse strategic coordination framework and support mechanisms; to evaluate legal, technological, and institutional challenges and to identify the key factors limiting the region's international competitiveness. The findings suggest that, drawing on its engineering and digital infrastructure, the BSM demonstrates growing potential in the development of small satellite systems and microlaunchers. However, it remains a fragmented, externally dependent, and institutionally unshaped space. Against the backdrop of intensifying global competition and geoeconomic confrontation, this situation requires further coordination among BSM states. If successful, such coordination may, in the medium term, lead to the emergence of a competitive Northern European space Standort.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):67-82
67-82
Hungary in Search of a Place in Neo-Globality: Emphasis on Economic Neutrality
Abstract
Against the backdrop of major and virtually revolutionary changes in the global landscape, the main strategic challenge for Hungary has become the development of mechanisms for integrating into future configurations of countries. One of these mechanisms has become the concept of economic neutrality of the country, which, according to the Hungarian authorities, allows for simultaneous acceleration of economic growth and compliance with national interests. The term "economic neutrality" designating this concept necessitated a study of the essence of the Hungarian concept, its theoretical justification and practical applicability. As a result of the study, the features of this concept were revealed, representing, on the one hand, a combination of economic principles of diversification of foreign economic relations and minimization of external political influence on decisions made at the national level; and, on the other hand, a combination of the ideological principles of the free market and the practice of dirigisme. The relatively weak theoretical justification for this concept is explained by the fact that the ideas combined in the Hungarian concept deal with theories based on opposing initial postulates. A study of the critical remarks caused by the compromise content of the Hungarian concept has shown that most of them are still superficial, which in turn is caused by the lack of practical experience in implementing the concept of economic neutrality, which is necessary for a full-fledged scientific analysis. The most significant criticisms relate to the area of risks associated with possible inaccurate forecasts regarding future country configurations in the global economy and underestimation of changes in the economic policies of the largest modern players. It is concluded that the concept of economic neutrality is a kind of constructor that allows for prompt changes to be made to Hungarian economic policy based on current geoeconomic and geopolitical dynamics.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):83-92
83-92
The Impact of External Economic Situation on Labor Market of the Faroe Islands in 2000–2025
Abstract
Being essentially an island microstate, the Faroe Islands have a number of features of their economic development: high dependence on two industries (fishing and fish farming), which directly employs about 1/3 of the workforce, as well as a limited labor market, where unemployed residents most often travel abroad. The majority of them are young people under the age of 35, for whom there are no vacancies in their homeland. At the same time, like any microstate, the Faroe Islands are very dependent on external economic factors, including in the sphere of domestic employment. The purpose of this article is to examine the changes in the Faroese labor market over the last 25 years under the influence of external factors. The object of research is the labor market of the autonomy, and the subject is the external economic factors affecting it. Among them, were the relations of the Faroe Islands with the EU and Russia. The reorientation of the autonomy in its external relations to RF provided a major boost to the economy of the Faroe Islands in 2014–2023. In addition, an important factor in the economic development of the Faroe Islands has been the stimulation by the authorities of the development of inward tourism in it. Such a policy is generally characteristic of microstates, as well as a high proportion of employment in the civil service.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):93-105
93-105
NORTHERN EUROPE IN THE RAW MATERIALS SEGMENT OF CRITICAL PRODUCTION CHAINS
Abstract
This article explores the position held by Northern European countries in the strategic sectors of European economy under the new emerging technological order. The hypothesis is tested that over the past ten years Scandinavian countries have been able to strengthen their positions in the segment of strategic raw materials (primarily copper and nickel) of critical production chains. The methodology is based on a quantitative assessment of inter-country trade linkages in separate stages of production chains, namely, raw materials, intermediate goods, and final products. The author proposes a method for identifying critical production chains based on a new coefficient of import dependence, which assesses the degree of a country's orientation toward importing a certain product from a certain partner country. The countries studied included Norway, Finland, and Sweden. The time period is limited to 2014–2024. The list of strategic technologies includes traction motors, wind turbines, heat pumps, and 3D-printers working on metals. The research demonstrates that Northern European countries are involved in five critical production chains in the raw-materials segment, three of which originate in Finland. In 2014 there were only two critical chains; in the newest 3D-printers sector they were absent. The results verify the validity of the research hypothesis, highlighting the increasingly significant positions of Scandinavian economies in strategically important sectors of the European economy. The main positions in critical production chains in the region are occupied by Western European countries, particularly Germany. A trend towards limited dependence on strategic resources and the heavier utilization of alternative composite materials among large final producers is shown. At the same time, the EU puts an emphasis on strategic projects related to raw materials in Northern Europe. A surge is anticipated in the demand for copper and nickel, two most extensively utilized metals in strategic technologies. Both of these trends lead to a conclusion that the economies under consideration will maintain their status in the raw material segment of critical production chains. However, this will not contradict the flagship state policies aimed at increasing economic complexity.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):106-119
106-119
SECURITY ISSUES
EU and US in the Middle East: “Soft Power” Failure
Abstract
The article examines the situation, in which the United States and the European Union found themselves in the institutionalized systems of development assistance to third countries after D. Trump suspended the work of USAID (organization was closed and banned in Russia). The significance of this topic is related to the fact that the provision of aid (humanitarian and economic) to those in need abroad has long been not only a significant component of Western foreign policy (in particular, a manifestation of its “soft power”), but also one of the tools for maintaining the “global liberal order” in the world. It is indicative that with all the criticism of this instrument for 64 years in the United States itself, both Democrats and Republicans have so far considered it important to continue its work. In the European Union, this aspect of foreign policy (EuroAID) not only retains its importance today, even despite the hesitation of individual national governments, but also (after Trump's decision on USAID) receives new impulses to intensify and expand the geography of its application. In the EU, the question is increasingly being raised to what extent Europeans could “compensate” for the Americans' withdrawal from humanitarian aid in the Third World, particularly in the Middle East region adjacent to Europe, with their potential. The author considers such a prospect taking into account certain differences between the respective American and European concepts.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):120-130
120-130
The Military-Political Transformation of the North European Countries: Arctic Region
Abstract
The article provides an assessment of the Western expert community’s perception of the geopolitical and geostrategic changes that have occurred in recent years on the world stage and their impact on the Arctic region. The role and place in the emerging new military-political environment of a number of Northern European countries is shown. Attempts to compete among them for leadership on the northern flank of NATO have been highlighted. Special attention is paid to new NATO members Finland and Sweden. Norway’s leading role in many ongoing processes is shown. The article outlines changes in Western military experts’ views and approaches to the security of the Arctic region, its role and place in NATO’s strategic concepts, as well as the reflection of these changes on military planning issues. In terms of military-technical changes, progress has been noted in building up NATO’s military infrastructure, deconservating Cold War-era facilities, and forming new infrastructure facilities in the interests of deploying new and perspective weapons systems in the region (unmanned aerial and naval vehicles, the latest F-35 aircraft systems, etc.). The author concludes that the military-political activity of the countries of the Arctic region leads to its significant militarization, which changes the military-political and military-strategic balance of forces and interests in the region.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):131-141
131-141
SOCIAL SPHERE
Factors of Social Disintegration in EU
Abstract
The article analyzes the factors of social disintegration in the EU through the prism of social divisions and the concept of a divided society. Based on the analysis of the specifics of the EU’s social dimension in general and the implementation of the Pillar of Social Rights, in particular, a number of interrelated factors have been identified, such as the growth of various forms of inequality, civic exclusion and social fragmentation. The situation of households, indicators related to poverty and social exclusion, youth out of employment and education, as well as the fragmentation of society and public sentiment in the context of falling incomes and a new technological transition are considered. It is concluded that the social crisis, firstly, has deep foundations that cannot be explained by such phenomena as population aging, uncontrolled immigration or deindustrialization. Secondly, the disintegration in the social sphere confirms the existence of a more diverse and stable social base of protest non-systemic parties and movements in the EU countries. The factors of inequality, civic exclusion, and social fragmentation have one important unifying element that explains the identitarian nature of alternative ideologies to neoliberalism that have become popular since the 2010s. As part of these phenomena, citizens face the decline in well-being, so as their deprivation which is closely linked to the threat of abandoning their former identity, along with a rethinking of the institution of family, work, and the lack of an understandable and predictable future in the AI economy, platform employment, and green technologies.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):142-156
142-156
Anti-elitism in Modern Protests in the EU
Abstract
The purpose of the article is to determine the significance of such a factor as anti-elitism in protest movements in Europe in the period 2020–2024. The problem of the ideological demarcation between the ordinary population and the upper classes of society is somehow manifested in most of the strikes recorded in European countries during the specified time period. The deepening gap between the social masses and the political elites, and disillusionment with political institutions are shaping up into anti-elitist sentiments. This factor indicates the presence of a source of constant dissatisfaction among citizens with political actions and decisions in completely different spheres of public life: from farm strikes to anti-war protests. Therefore, meeting the demands of the protesters on certain issues does not lead to the elimination of protest potential, because the underlying problem that encourages citizens to take to the streets is of a different nature. This work analyzes the causes, social base and outcome of strikes in European countries over the past 2 years. The author concludes that anti-elitism is indeed an essential characteristic of regular protests, which have become the new norm for European society. But in this case, the question arises about the effectiveness of protest movements in the long term and the possible disappointment of citizens in this form of protecting their interests.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):157-171
157-171
PARTIES AND POLITICAL MOVEMENTS
Italian Personalist Parties: Features and Reasons for Emergence
Abstract
The article highlights that the personalization of politics as one of new trends in the development of European political parties. The author argues that this is reflected in the emergence of personalist parties in the EU member states. It is shown that Italy is the leader in the number of such parties. The overall objective of the article is to identify the main features of these parties, as well as to show the role of the majority electoral system as an explanation for their emergence. Much attention is paid to the conceptual definition of personalist parties. It has been found that such parties are usually led by a dominant leader who determines the direction of the party’s development; and a poorly structured organization, as well as the absence of intraparty democracy. Based on the method of comparative analysis of specific cases, the author identified a number of features of personalist parties in Italy related to their ideology (populism and euro- scepticism), the origin of the parties, and the status of the founders. The article discusses the reasons for the emergence of personalist parties in Italy. The author focuses on the high role of the introduction of the majority system in parliamentary elections (electoral reform in 1993) as an explanation for the creation of these parties. The main cause-and-effect mechanism lies in the specifics of personality-oriented electoral systems: voting for individual candidates, the use of single-mandate constituencies, the emphasis during the election campaign on the candidate’s personality, greater autonomy of politicians from parties, etc.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):172-181
172-181
PAGES OF HISTORY
A.A. Gromyko and Security Policy: Clash of Tactics on the Way to Belgrade
Abstract
The article continues the study of the role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko in the formation, development and maintenance of security policy, its principles and structural elements. The scientific subject of the article is the comparison of the conceptual tactics of A.A. Gromyko and the situational tactics of Western countries in the run-up to the preparation of the Belgrade meeting of the CSCE states in 1977. The article consists of three parts. In the first part, the author analyzes the conceptual tactics of A.A. Gromyko and proves that the Soviet Foreign Minister sought a non-aligned status for the CSCE. A.A. Gromyko wanted the CSCE states to work together and effectively on key international problems. The second part presents the West's situational tactics. The author shows that by middle of 1977, the Western countries did not have a unified position regarding the CSCE. Therefore, their own consolidation and their own unified appearance played a much greater role for these countries than the serious analysis of Soviet proposals. In the third part, the question is raised for the first time in historiography whether the two unrelated tactics can influence the future potential of an international organization and the opinion of the political elite. The author recommends taking into account the proposals of A.A. Gromyko in the modern system of international relations. The sources of the article are published documents of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany, the use of which can be explained methodologically. It was important for the author to conduct the analysis on the basis of the foreign partners' assessment of the statements made by the Soviet Foreign Minister during official negotiations (outer reflection). The author's reasoning should be understood in the context of his earlier article in this journal.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):182–190
182–190
The Image of the USSR in the Czechoslovak-American Diplomatic Discourse During the Second World War
Abstract
The article provides analysis of various primary sources (diplomatic correspondence, public speeches, interviews and articles in American media, memoirs) about the visits of Czechoslovak politicians in exile E. Benes and J. Masaryk to the US during World War II. Their negotiations with American diplomats and government officials, as well as interviews and public speeches in the US were often devoted to relations with the USSR. The author highlights the main aspects of their perception of Russia and concludes that it was multifaceted and contradictory. On the one hand, the USSR was perceived as a partner and an important ally, on the other hand, as a potential threat and a source of problems. Czechoslovak politicians emphasized the need to maintain and deepen close relations with Moscow, to overcome its hostility, and to stimulate the development of democratic tendencies in the USSR. At the same time, they were not entirely confident in J. Stalin's intentions and remained wary of his plans. In general, the perception of the USSR broadcasted by Czechoslovak politicians in the United States was complementary, their opinion contributed to strengthening the positive image of Russia in America. This was a consequence of their pragmatic approach, as well as Moscow's cautious policy. American politicians and foreign policy experts perceived these opinions and recommendations as an important source of information. The obtained results supplement and expand our understanding of the perception of the USSR by the leaders of the Czechoslovak emigration during the Second World War and to highlight some ways for promoting a positive image of Russia.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):191–202
191–202
REFLECTING ON WHAT WE HAVE READ
Contested Languages: On Multilingualism in Europe and National Identity
Abstract
The article, based on the collective monograph «Contested Languages: The Hidden Multilingualism of Europe» (2021), edited by M. Tamburelli and M. Tosco, analyses the language situation in the modern world using the example of the European countries. Attention is paid to the issue of the contested languages that usually do not receive state support and are endangered. The interests of the speakers are not taken into account in the political, economic and cultural programs. This fact causes concerns of the general public, scientists, and officials involved in language policy. Currently there is an increasing tendency to identify languages that is based on socio-political considerations rather than linguistic criteria. The purpose of the article is to consider the issues of hidden multilingualism. The issue of contested languages is relevant for Russia as well, whose citizens use 159 native languages, excluding dialects.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):203–209
203–209
ТРИБУНА МОЛОДОГО УЧЁНОГО
Transformation of the Karabakh Conflict and the Role of the EU in the Normalization of Armenian-Azerbaijani Relations
Abstract
The article analyzes the evolution of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict from a broad comparative-historical perspective, focusing on the Nagorno-Karabakh issue and the role of the European Union (EU) in its resolution. The study compares the internal dynamics of the negotiation process between the parties to the conflict and external factors related to the EU's peacekeeping initiatives. The author argues that despite the dominant role of the Karabakh conflict in relations between Baku and Yerevan, it was not the only source of contradictions. The confrontational paradigm of interaction has deep historical roots that have a serious impact on both state-building and the development of identity, constructed within the framework of mutual antagonism, and in the skeptical attitude towards external mediators. This narrows the possibilities for finding a peaceful solution and compromise, over which the logic of force still prevails. The analysis shows that before 2020, the EU's opportunities to participate in the settlement were limited under the previous status quo and the established negotiation format, although the instruments of European peacekeeping gradually developed. In turn, the transformation of the previous balance after the Second Karabakh War (2020) created conditions for the activation of the EU's role as a multilateral actor. During the transition period of 2020–2023, Brussels played a significant role in shaping the new architecture of the negotiations, contributing to the development of a peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Yet at the subsequent stage, the parties abandoned mediation in favor of direct bilateral negotiations, which indicates utilitarian perception of EU mediation. New US peacekeeping initiatives in 2025 moved the EU to the periphery of the peace process. It is concluded that Brussels cannot have a significant and sustainable impact on the normalization of Armenian-Azerbaijani relations due to the situational approach of the parties to external assistance in the negotiations.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):210–220
210–220
The Western Civil Society Concept: the British Context
Abstract
In the past 30 years, the Russian academia has seen growing interest in the topic of the non-profit sector and civil society organisations. In political science, more frequently focus is dedicated to issues related to the non-profit, public sector, as well as the topic of civil society at large. In this regard, there is a need to systematize the perception of civil society as a social system based on particular historical, philosophical and civilizational principles. In the United Kingdom, the theory of civil society is inextricably linked with the development of European humanitarian thought, but also has its own features. In this regard, the study examines the European foundations of the theory of civil society (based on the works of Plato, Aristotle and Cicero), as well as exclusively British milestones in its development, both in historical documents and in the works of British thinkers. The purpose of this work is to analyze the “theory of civil society” and its development in the context of British history. The methodological basis of the study is comprised of historical and political science approaches to the analysis of works considering civil society as a concept with a wide range of interpretations. The subject of this study includes relevant historical British legal documents and the works of British philosophers and social thinkers. Their scientific legacy demonstrates the British approach to interpreting the theory of civil society and shed light on the modern features of civil society theory in the UK philosophical and sociopolitical tradition.
Contemporary Europe. 2025;(5 (133)):221–231
221–231