Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ

«Modern and Contemporary History» is a leading Russian historical periodical devoted to the problems of modern and contemporary history, methodology, source studies and historiography of world history, as well as the history of international relations and foreign policy. The Journal brings together professional historians from all over the world dealing with the problems of world history, introduces readers to the most up-to-date research in both Russian and international historical science, and informs them of the most important scholarly events.

The Journal was founded by the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences (Moscow) and the Russian Academy of Sciences (Moscow) itself. It is published six times a year and covers the problems of international political, economic, and social history, the theory and methodology of historical science, the history of international relations, and historiography. Considerable attention is paid to the publication of historical sources (documents, memoirs), coverage of events academic life, and scholarly criticism.

The Journal is included in the List of leading peer-reviewed scientific journals and publications recommended by the Higher Attestation Commission for the publication of doctoral theses. All articles published in the journal correspond to the Nomenclature of Specialties of Scientists, approved by Order No. 1027 of the of Ministry of Education and Science of Russia of October 23, 2017:

  • 00.00 Historical Sciences and Archeology:
  • 00.03 World History
  • 00.09 Historiography, Source Study and Methods of Historical Research
  • 00.10 History of Science and Technology
  • 00.15 History of International Relations and Foreign Policy

Articles published in the journal are indexed by Scopus, the Russian Scientific Citations Index and RSCI Web of Science. In accordance with the international standard of scientific periodicals, each published article receives its unique DOI code (Digital Object Identifier).

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No 1 (2023)

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Thomas Jefferson and the Reform of the Virginia Criminal Law
Filimonova M.A.

In 1779, Thomas Jefferson drafted “A Bill for Proportioning Crimes and Punishments in Cases Heretofore Capital” (also known as “Bill № 64”). This was part of a large-scale reform of the Virginia legislation, which also included the spread of education, the abolition of the entail, and the separation of church and state. But if Jefferson's mentioned initiatives were covered in detail by his biographies, then the reform of criminal law did not attract much attention from researchers. This article is intended to partially fill the gap in the American studies in Russia. The source base of the research includes the papers of Jefferson himself, both the text of the bill under study and the correspondence accompanying it, rough sketches, a summary in “Notes on the State of Virginia”. The works of contemporaries dealing with similar problems are also used. The main objectives of the article are: to analyze Jefferson's reform of Virginia law; to identify the sources of his penological theory; to compare the main provisions of his bill with the American and European legislation of Modern times. The author concludes that the sources of “Bill № 64” were primarily the works of Cesare Beccaria. Yet, Jeffersonian penological theories were no less influenced by the “Anglo–Saxon myth”, that is, the idealization of the Anglo-Saxon period of English history. Hence the extreme inconsistency of the reform under study. Along with humanistic provisions, such as reducing the use of the death penalty, it contained archaic elements (pillory and maiming, the talion principle). Nevertheless, Jefferson's bill had a certain impact on the humanization of criminal law both in Virginia and beyond.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):5-19
pages 5-19 views
Social and Demographic Prerequisites for Mass Migration in Italy and Spain in the XIX Century
Kudeyarova N.Y.

In this study the author analyses the causes of mass emigration from Southern Europe in the nineteenth century, which had a profound influence on the formation of the modern composition of the population of several Latin American countries. The study is based on the push/pull migration model proposed by Everett S. Lee, as well as on the model of interrelation of migration and employment diversification by sector of economic activity developed by Gustavo Cabrera, where the mono-industry specialisation of employment in a region stimulates the population outflow. Despite slow demographic growth, lagging industrialisation in Italy and Spain could not cope with the surplus labour force that emerged in the agrarian regions. The gap between the agrarian South and the industrialising North, characteristic of these two countries, had an important impact on the formation of internal mobility. Political upheavals – the unification of Italy, the dynastic confrontation in Spain – also increased the outflow of population. Unresolved agrarian issues, population growth and lagging modernisation increased the push-factor effect. The author notes the structural similarity of the internal causes of mass migration but, on the basis of statistical data, emphasises the geographical diversity of the resettlement areas chosen. The collapse of the Spanish Empire brought an end to the colonial type of migration, which had its greatest impact on the situation in Cuba in the period indicated. Further dynamics were determined by the socio-economic motivations and policies of the host countries, especially in Latin America and the USA, where migrants found new opportunities.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):20-32
pages 20-32 views
“Russian Spy” Schweitzer: An Attempt at Biography Reconstruction. Agent of the High Military Secret Police in Warsaw (1819–1831)
Zaichenko O.V.

In the early 1830s, in order to wage a political and information war on Polish emigrants and the European opposition, the formation of Russian foreign intelligence as a unified state service with an extensive network of agents on the basis of the Third Section began. The head of the Russian residence in Germany from 1833 to 1839, Baron Karl Ferdinandovich von Schweitzer, was one of its founders. The structure he created, as well as the forms and methods of intelligence work he put in place, had a major impact on the subsequent development of the security services in Russia. However, little is still known about the man. Even his real name and date of birth remain unknown to scholars. He surrounded himself with secrecy already during his lifetime. This applies first and foremost to the first period of it, associated with his service with the Higher Military Secret Police in Warsaw in the 1820s.In the absence of direct evidence of his life and work, the author makes a first-ever attempt in historiography to reconstruct the circumstances of Schweitzer's biography and service in the secret police of the Viceroy of the Kingdom of Poland up to 1831, based on circumstantial evidence. Using the example of Schweitzer's undercover work, the author attempts to reconstruct the structure of the Russian foreign intelligence service, methods of conspiracy, recruitment, surveillance and analytical processing of the information obtained. The article also provides examples of the most successful operations in which the agent, who at that time bore the name of de Schwegrois, was involved.The study draws on archival documents of the Third Section and the Higher Military Secret Police in Warsaw, as well as memoirs of contemporaries and publications in the Polish émigré press.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):33-45
pages 33-45 views
“We Arrived Openly and Without any Disguise on this Coast…”: The Schooner “Vixen” Case in the Investigation Papers and British Press of the Late 1830s
Tkachenko D.S.

In this article, the author examines the details of the detention of the British schooner “Vixen” on the north-east coast of the Black Sea in November 1836. Although the analysis of the Russian-British diplomatic controversy surrounding the incident has been undertaken in Russian historiography, it has not made use of original investigative material or official accounts of the perpetrators in the English-language press of the late 1830s. The use of historical computer reconstructions can significantly clarify both the “Vixen” Inquiry materials and correct the conclusions of some contemporary researchers who have addressed the political background of the incident. It also allowed the author to check the credibility of the investigative material collected between 1836 and 1837 as part of the original “Vixen” files. It also clarifies the political conclusions drawn by both Russian imperial authorities and British politicians, and corrects some of the assumptions of contemporary historians focused on examining the political repercussions of the case. The author also examines the conditions of the Russian blockade of the Black Sea coast of the Caucasus at the end of the 1830s. This is consistent with the aim of the study, namely to recreate a complete picture of the capture of the schooner “Vixen”. The latter was beyond the scope of previous studies. The study is based on materials from the Russian Navy State Archives (RGA VMF), as well as publications in British, American, and Australian newspapers. The author used the memoirs of the owner of the “Vixen”, James Stanislaus Bell, and the captain of the Russian ship, N.P. Volf, as additional primary source material. The study corroborates the conclusions that the “Vixen” incident was a premeditated provocation, but disputes the popular perception that the ship was actually carrying a cargo of weapons and gunpowder, as insisted on by the Russian side. The breach of the blockade by “Vixen” was a clear reconnaissance operation, which allowed the British to observe not only the technical inferiority of Russian ships in terms of modern requirements, but also the excessive bureaucratisation of the entire Russian Black Sea Fleet's management system. This gave British diplomacy, which had contested the terms of the Treaty of Adrianople, additional arguments for its diplomatic efforts.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):46-59
pages 46-59 views
Two Images of the Young Turk Revolution: Public Reaction in Beirut and Damascus to the Revolutionary Events of 1908 in the Ottoman Empir
Zhantiev D.R.

In this study, the author examines the reaction of the provincial society to the events of the first stage of the Young Turk Revolution in the Ottoman Empire in 1908 on the example of two large centers of the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire – Beirut and Damascus. The Young Turks' restriction of the power of Sultan-Caliph Abdul-Hamid II caused an ambiguous, sometimes diametrically opposed reaction in the Arab periphery of the Ottoman Empire, the analysis of which is necessary to understand the mechanisms of further relations between the provincial elites and the imperial center. On the basis of consular reports and testimonies of a number of eyewitnesses of the events, two images of the Young Turks and their actions in 1908 are shown through the eyes of the Beirut and Damascus public. While in seaside Beirut, which served as the main “sea gate” of Ottoman Syria, liberal sentiments among local intellectuals and merchant families (both Muslims and Christians) served as a breeding ground for a positive and even enthusiastic perception of the revolution, in a more traditional and conservative Damascus the restoration of the constitution and the limitation of the Sultan's power was perceived with a wary negative. The destruction of the “patron-client” relationship that connected the large landowners and Muslim religious figures of Damascus with the Sultan's court gave rise to protest moods among the townspeople, which, in turn, led to mass riots in Damascus in the fall of 1908. The conducted research refutes the widespread thesis about the unambiguously positive perception of the Young Turk Revolution in the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):60-69
pages 60-69 views
The Officer Corps of the British Navy in the Observations and Assessments of Russian Representatives to the Grand Fleet, 1914–1918
Kozlov D.Y.

In this article, the author examines the assessment of the Royal Navy’s command staff contained in official reports, correspondence, memoirs, and diaries of naval officers Mikhail Kedrov, Mikhai Smirnov, Gustav von Schultz, and Sergei Izenbek, who were official Russian representatives to the Grand Fleet during the Great War. The purpose of this article is to summarise the views of representatives of the Russian Navy on the traditions, general and professional culture of British naval officers, the level of their maritime, special and tactical training, the specifics of their mentality, service subordination, relationships in a naval environment, the ways of service and everyday life. Considerable differences in the professional qualities of the officers of the British and Russian fleets were noted, stemming mainly from the different principles of recruitment and training of the command staff, as well as the growing distrust of the British naval corporation towards Russia as an ally during the war. The author concludes that professional analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of the Royal Navy's command staff significantly complemented and updated the image of the British ally formed in the Russian naval milieu during the Great War and in the years following, and contributed to a more balanced self-assessment of Russian naval personnel.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):70-84
pages 70-84 views
The Dismantling of the Batum Subsystem of International Relations and Its Historical Consequences, September–November 1918
Mirzekhanov V.S., Lannik L.V.

The final phase of the Batum subsystem unfolded despite the apparent defeat of the Central Powers on the main fronts of the Great War already at the end of September 1918. It was a consequence of the inertia of German and Ottoman expansion in the region, which received a new impetus after the capture of Baku in September 1918. For two months, efforts to maintain Berlin's and Constantinople's influence in the region continued, partly through uneasy compromises with Soviet Russia and thanks to an operational pause taken by British troops. The economic potential of exploiting the Transcaucasia for the Central Powers could not be realised, but the overall capabilities were unlocked and preparations gave way to a test-delivery phase. The impact of the intervention of the Central Powers on the course of the Civil War in the North Caucasus increased. The elimination of the Batum subsystem was one of the primary objectives of the British emissaries who were arriving from mid-November, however, they were unable to undo or transform its effects due to the same reasons that led to the policy failures of the German and Ottoman actors.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):85-99
pages 85-99 views
“Anlantist” and “Europeanist” Trends in the Fourth and Fifth Republics in France (1946–2022)
Chernega V.N.

The author examines the evolution of the two main trends in French foreign policy between 1946 and 2022: the “Atlantic” and the “European”. Both of these trends emerged shortly after the Second World War and were subsequently intertwined in complex ways. In the Fourth Republic, in the context of the 'Soviet threat' and the need to solve the “German problem”, the “Atlantists” long had a dominant influence at the level of the elites. The “Europeanists”, who, in addition to economic integration, sought the military-political unity of the West European nations with France in the lead, did not oppose them, although objectively their efforts led to a weakening of “transatlantic solidarity”. The “Europeanist” projects were not successful, but at the same time the disappointment in the US over its position during the 1956 Suez Crisis and the Algerian War reduced the influence of the “Atlantists” in ruling circles. Ultimately, after the establishment of the Fifth Republic by Charles de Gaulle in 1958, the “Atlantic tendency” was reduced to a minimum, the “Europeanist” was limited by his demand to preserve the maximum possible national sovereignty. In the post-De Gaulle period, all the presidents of France sought, each in his own way, to simultaneously strengthen both tendencies. However, the increasing involvement of the country in NATO activities actually blocked the substantive promotion of “Europeanist” projects. The article shows how the convinced “Europeanist” E. Macron, who came to power in 2017, who sees an opportunity for France to pursue a sovereign policy only within the framework of the EU, transformed into a “power of Europe”, is trying to solve this dilemma by promoting the creation of a “European pillar” Alliance as a way to strengthen it. The further prospects of the “Europeanist” idea are assessed, as well as the chances of France for the realization of great claims in the hypothetical “power of Europe”.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):100-114
pages 100-114 views
The Historical and Political Peculiarities of the Swiss Economic Development until the early 2000s
Trofimova Olga T.E.

The study of the historical characteristics of the Swiss economy and its development up to the twenty-first century has not been thoroughly examined by either Soviet or Russian scholars and is highly topical due to the fact that the transformation of Switzerland from a backward economy to one of the most advanced and competitive countries is of considerable interest to the academic community. The goal is to examine and analyse the characteristics of the evolution of a multi-ethnic and multi-confessional union into a federal state, which have directly influenced the development of capitalist relations, the industrialisation of Switzerland, its particular niche specialisation and competitiveness. The author also draws the attention to the political and economic equilibration of the 'neutral' Confederation between the Сеntral Powers led by Germany and Entente countries and Allies and the Axis during the two world wars, which allowed its economy to be safeguarded and successfully grown. A number of factors determining the country's main economic development trends are identified in the article. The conclusion is drawn that there is a linkage between Switzerland's national and regional historical development and its economic success. The Swiss peculiar approach to pragmatic exploitation of weaknesses and disadvantages, its particular identity and the mentality that has developed over a long historical period, have played a crucial role in the creation of the Swiss economic model.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):115-125
pages 115-125 views
Young People in Iranian Socio-Political Landscape of the Modernization Era: 20th –21st Centuries
Zaytsev V.N.

The article, based on materials from various sources and studies in Russian, English, French, and Persian, considers for the first time in modern Iranian studies in Russia the place and role of youth in the socio-political life of Iran in 20th–21st centuries. This period of the country's history was marked by a consecutive modernization of all the foundations of the state and society, in which the author identifies three stages: the struggle for the restoration of sovereignty and choosing ways to renew the country (1905-early 60s); modernization via “revolution from above” (early 60s – 1979); systemic crisis, social explosion, change of the State system; continuation of modernization under external pressure (1979 – early 20s of the XXI century). Contradictions and conflicts generated by this long and uneven process stimulate mass involvement of the younger generation of Iranians in political struggle, where they generally choose the most radical ways of civic self-realization. They played a prominent, sometimes crucial part in major events of Iran’s modern history, such as the movement for natinalization of the Iranian petroleum Industry (1949–1953); engagement in several reforms of 1960s–70s; revolutionary actions that brought to an end the Iranian monarchy; the Iran-Iraqi War. The young people’s potential for political activism to a considerable extent is due to their large and steadily growing share of population and relatively high level of education and professional competence of many among them. The literate and active young people still remain both the main generator of opposition sentiments and а basic resource of Iran’s dynamic development.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):126-140
pages 126-140 views
Evolution of Civil Society in Kuwait (1961–2020)
Melkumyan E.S.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the development of civil society in Kuwait, one of the oil–producing monarchies of the Gulf region, which was distinguished by a high degree of civic activity. The purpose of the article is to trace the stages of the development of civil society in the context of domestic and international situation dynamics. The role of several key political events from the history of the country in the direction of civil activism of its inhabitants is shown The first stage refers to the period when the country gained political independence. At that time, the formation of civil society was influenced by the Kuwaiti crisis, when Iraq put forward claims to Kuwait as part of its state, which led to the growth of civil consciousness.The next stage was the period following the Iraqi aggression against the country in August 1990, creating another factor of civil society mobilization aimed at resisting the occupiers and protecting its national identity. Its further transformation takes place during the mass protests of 2011, to the present state. At that time, civil activity in Kuwait reached a peak level, especially among youth groups, but soon began to decline under the influence of turbulence that became reality of the region and related threats to society as a whole. Mass protests demonstrated that civil activity in Kuwait reached a peak level, especially among youth groups, but soon began to decline under the influence of turbulence that engulfed the region and related threats to society as a whole. The non-governmental organizations that emerged at that time were fragmentary. Most of them were created on the basis of the interests of small groups that solved tasks that had no significance for the broad strata of Kuwaiti society.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):141-150
pages 141-150 views
Implicit Civil Society and Reform in Yemen: Lessons from the Twentieth Century
Serebrov S.N.

The fact that cross-border forms of civic activism in Arab countries during the “Arab Spring” are similar is commonly attributed to their socio-cultural commonalities, which provide markers of their identities. The manifestation of this interaction, in the author's view, is the phenomenon of an implicit civil society that draws on the hidden springs of Islamic culture, but that functions in a completely different way. The author's attempt to describe it in this article using the example of Yemen includes three aspects: as an active participant in the watershed events of contemporary Yemeni social history; as a centre of civic strategies that fundamentally differentiate it from religious and political groupings; and as a mechanism for adapting the indigenous cultural identity of a society to new ideological environment. The article spans the period from its emergence at an early stage of modernisation in a deeply archaic society united under British colonial rule in the first third of the twentieth century, to its culmination in the early twenty-first century. The article is based on publications examining relevant cases from different historical and cultural regions of Yemen. Early examples include the “Nadi al-Islah al-Arabi al-Islami” Club in Aden and the Irshadist Movement in Hadramaut extremely active at the turn of 1930s when the national intelligentsia started to reach prominence and managed to convert reformist narrative from the religious frames to the public discourse. They have elaborated the number of tools inherent also to the modern implicit civil society performances like educational work through clubs, preference to dialog between rivals, high attention to maintaining the continuity of cultural traditions, etc. The recent diversity of this phenomenon is illustrated by the experience of the “Shabab al-Mumin” Club, founded in the mid-1990s in the Saada Governorate of northern Yemen, as well as the spontaneous urban youth committees that emerged during the 2011 uprising, which channelled a huge wave of social activism into peaceful activity. The aim of the article is to explore the phenomenon of implicit civil society using a descriptive method. The practical significance of the proposed approach lies in a better understanding of the reasons for the heightened permeability of the boundaries between civic and political activism so characteristic of such societies.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):151-163
pages 151-163 views
State and Civil Society in Turkey: Interaction, Submission, Containment (the 2000s and 2010s)
Shlykov P.V.

The paper explores the development of civil society in Turkey, analyzes the models and mechanisms of its interaction with the state in the context of power consolidation Recep Erdoğan and his Justice and Development Party undertook in the 2000s and 2010s. After long-lasting and eventually unsuccessful attempts of European integration Turkey embarked upon a search for a new balance in the interaction between the state and civil society, characterized by an increase in authoritarian tendencies, Islamization and de-secularization, which still, nevertheless, coexist with a high level of civic activism. The paper seeks to fill a gap in the academic literature on social and political transformations of modern Turkey which primarily focuses on expanding process of Islamization and de-secularization while the issue of specific interaction between the state and civil society institutions in Turkey generally remains beyond the radar of the scholars. The source base of the research includes a wide range of primary materials on the activities of Turkish non-governmental organizations (statutes, press releases, media publications), official government documents and regulations on civil society activities. The paper argues that despite quantitatively significant growth of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Turkey during the 2000s and 2010s most of them have failed to become agents of further Europeanization and political modernization of Turkey. On the contrary, massive financial and institutional support from the government for Turkish NGOs has enhanced the structural fragmentation of Turkish civil society and created large number of influential loyal civil society institutions which were willing to engage with the political regime while the mechanisms of external maintenance of liberal civil society institutions (primarily through the grant programs of European funds) have shown limited efficiency or even failed.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):164-182
pages 164-182 views
Civil Protest and Islamic Partisanship in Morocco: Experience of the “Arab Spring”
Orlov V.V.

The author examines the milestones in the emergence and development of the “February 20” movement (F20M) in Morocco during the Arab Spring, which had a profound impact on the social development of the Middle East and North Africa. The level of F20M’s cooperation/rivalry with Islamic parties/associations and reactions of Moroccan state to creation of a center of political mobilization of youth beyond its control is also evaluated. The analysis demonstrates the large set of political, legal and propaganda tools used by Moroccan Alawite monarchy to present the F20M as increasingly incompatible with all the set of traditional Moroccan values. The opposition of F20M to the King’s administration and its ambition to promote liberal democratic ideas in Moroccan society led this association to existential crisis. F20M’s message became inconsistent and less relevant when the King Muhammad VI systematically responded to social demands. Hasty implementation of the new Moroccan Constitution and parliamentary elections, which took place in November 2011, gave chance to the Justice and Development Party not only to enter the government, but to take a significant place in political life of the country. This skilful and moderate ‘Islamic policy’ framed F20M’s image as extreme and composed of fringe radical/revolutionary groups. So, this civic initiative was led to decline in the second half of 2012 – early 2013. A sec-ondary finding of this paper is that policy repressions combined with smearing campaigns turned the young reformists to radical opposition to the throne and helped to reproduce the soft authoritarian regime.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):183-193
pages 183-193 views
Electoral Process in Arab Countries (2011–2021): Specifics, Results, Political Activity and the Role of Youth
Sapronova M.A.

After 2011, the intra-political struggle in the Arab countries continues to evolve amidst the competition between and mutual influence of Islamism (fundamentalism) and nationalism (liberalism), yet in the midst of a crisis of both, when parties based on one of these two ideologies are no longer able to offer their voters concrete programmes of socio-political modernisation and overcoming the economic crisis. In terms of ideology, different parties use identical slogans in their election campaigns, exploiting the reformist strategy and arguments, seeking to expand their social base in the absence of public consensus.New constitutions and electoral laws adopted after 2011 have transferred this struggle into a legal frame, creating conditions for political competition. The elections really became a multi-party event and allowed Islamic parties to participate in the political process along with secular parties. Exactly these parties became the main rivals in the electoral process of the last decade, which demonstrated that the implementation of the constitutional plan in practice is an ambiguous task, and society (despite the establishment of a new system of legal arrangements) continues to be split and cannot give preference to any ideology and the forces representing such ideologies.The “external factor” contributed to the strengthening of Islamic parties in the first electoral cycle after the “Arab Spring”, however, later the preference was given to secular parties. Young people, having actively shown themselves in the unrest of 2011, lost interest in political life, which is evidenced by the fall in voter turnout in the second and third electoral cycles.Dynamics and results of the electoral process in 2011–2021 demonstrate a specific type of constitutional crises in a traditional society facing the need for modernization.The electoral process is studied on the basis of the analysis of new electoral laws and the results of parliamentary elections in the Arab countries during the study period, which, together with research works, gives a better understanding of their modern political development.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):194-208
pages 194-208 views
Algeria: Political Participation During the Transformation of Political Regime after 2019
Kuznetsov V.A.

The article focuses on the issues of political regime transformation in Algeria after the overthrow of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Describing the dynamics of Algerian political life, the author points out that the country's current regime can be characterised as hybrid and authoritarian. Nevertheless, the prospects for its further evolution remain unclear. The author opines that these prospects would be determined by the ability of the system to overcome the alienation between the public and the authorities. With this in mind, two key linking mechanisms need be analysed: electoral and direct political participation. When analysing electoral processes, the author compares the events and results of the 2002, 2007, 2012, 2017 and 2021 parliamentary campaigns, concluding that the mutual distrust between the public and the government constantly affects the social life of Algeria. Looking at direct forms of participation, he focuses on the “Hirak” Movement, which made the 2019 power transition possible. Indication of its specific traits shows why it did not facilitate the creation of a new social contract. The author concludes the article with the assumption that the alienation between the government and society has not been overcome because Algerian political culture was formed in the colonial and post-colonial periods. The article’s methodology is based on the hybrid regime and social orders theories. Furthermore, the author uses the typology of political parties proposed by Maurice Duverger. The sources and materials used for the study include official documents, media publications and results of the author’s field research.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):209-219
pages 209-219 views
Civil Society in the Middle East During the Arab Spring and Socio-Political Transformations of the Late 2010s and Early 2020s
Dolgov B.V.

The paper analyses the development of civil society in the key Arab countries of the Greater Middle East – Egypt, Tunisia and Syria – through the 2000s and early 2020s. The research mainly focuses on identifying specific features of civic activity developing by various Islamic and Islamist organizations. Methodologically the paper utilizes a set of methods borrowed from history, sociology, Islamic studies and political science. The source base of the research includes a wide range of primary materials on the civic activity in various countries of the region and the author’s interviews conducted with politicians and public figures in Egypt, Tunisia and Syria. The author identifies and analyses the key factors that led to civil society activism and the multidirectional development of civil society organisations and activism in countries in the Middle East region during the “Arab Spring” and social protests of the late 2010s and early 2020s. He carefully examines the transformation of civil society in the Arab Middle East in close relation to new socio-political developments in the West in the 2010s and 2020s and the phenomenon of growing social and political subjectivity exhibited by Muslim diasporas in Europe. The article postulates the hypothesis of the emergence of leader countries with significant influence on Islamist civil society actors in the Middle East through whose influence the “Islamic project” is reinforced as a factor structuring civic engagement in key Arab states in the Middle East.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):220-235
pages 220-235 views
“Becoming Visible”: Civil Society of Modern Iran in the Focus of Gender Discussion
Ardashnikova A.N., Konyashkina T.A.

In this study the author examines the main stages and social characteristics of the women's rights movement in republican Iran, which has generated an active controversy between the authorities and the society over the last three decades. This polemic disagreement was triggered by the legal status of the Iranian woman enshrined in the Constitution. Human rights activists with significant religious and social status, insisting on the right of Muslim women to be represented in the highest echelons of state power, were the first to join the debate. At the turn of the 1990s and 2000s, this initiative was taken up by secular activists advocating civil and individual rights for Iranian women. All have made extensive use of a specialised, women-oriented press and, since the early 2000s, the Internet and social media, as well as NPOs/NGOs existing in different regions of the country, in their struggle. Acting along the same lines of the women's rights movement, secular and religious activists represent autonomous segments of civil society. The content of the print and electronic media, television programmes and literary works, used for the first time as a source for the study, forms the basis of the research.

Novaâ i novejšaâ istoriâ. 2023;(1):236-247
pages 236-247 views
pages 248-251 views
pages 252-254 views

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