No 3 (2025)

The article examines the features and results of the 2024 regional and municipal elections in Chile, the reasons for the declining popularity of President G. Borich and the government of the "new left". The author analyzes the future prospects of supporters of the radical line in the left movement, the positions of the center-left, the strengthening of the influence of the right-wing opposition, the diversity of parties on the right and left spectrum and the possibility of returning to the "model of elite compromises" on the eve of the national election campaign in 2025. The course and results of the last vote at the local level demonstrated not only the real state of affairs, but also set new tasks for various political forces, on the solution of which the success or failure of the upcoming presidential race will depend.

En los últimos dos años y medio mucho se ha escrito sobre el conflicto de Rusia y Ucrania. Los textos versan de diversas áreas temáticas como el armisticio, los conflictos bélicos, la paz mundial, el comercio internacional, las sanciones económicas, las influencias y tendencias políticas de los diferentes países, las migraciones de los civiles afectados por el conflicto, los impactos económicos, entre otros. Los autores se enfocan en diferentes zonas geográficas, priorizándose en muchos casos los efectos a los vecinos más cercanos como  países europeos y asiáticos.

Este artículo se diferencia de los demás porque viaja a explorar los efectos económicos que el conflicto ha tenido en una zona geográfica (Centroamérica) que se creería es bastante alejada de su epicentro, haciendo énfasis en cómo el comercio internacional en la región también ha sido impactado por el enfrentamiento entre Rusia y Ucrania. Las cadenas globales de valor ya habían empezado a ser reconfiguradas por la pandemia Covid-19 y las políticas proteccionistas de algunos países influyentes. El conflicto ruso-ucraniano agudiza dicha reconfiguración de cadenas globales de valor, impactando los precios de alimentos y energía que se consumían en los países centroamericanos.

En este artículo se exploran las oportunidades que tienen los países de la región para minimizar ese impacto, como lo son: la diversificación de rutas comerciales, el fortalecimiento de lazos con nuevos socios comerciales, la promoción de políticas públicas que impulsen producción local, cooperación regional, inversión en infraestructura, entre otros. Siendo al final el fin último el depender menos de los bienes y servicios que importábamos de la zona de conflicto.

The study is dedicated to the approaches of the LACB leading states to the problem of international information security (IIS). Besides, the influence of the USA on how this topic is perceived within the Organization of American States (OAS), which nowadays is the principal security institution in the Western Hemisphere, is considered. On the basis of analyzing doctrinal documents, the author draws a conclusion that the OAS adheres to the American approach, based on the international cooperation only in fight against ICT use for terrorist and criminal purposes, while the leading LACB states add militarization of the digital environment to the list of threats.

The article analyzes the process of transformation of the modern party system of Catalonia from 1980 to 2024, since the stability of the Spanish government largely depends on the balance of power in this region. In the absence of a parliamentary majority, the Chairman of the Spanish Government is forced to rely on the support of regional small parties (including the Catalan ones). The author analyzes the composition of the Catalan parliament based on the results of 14 regional elections and identifies 3 stages of development of the regional party system. From 1980 to 1999 - the stage with a dominant party, from 2003 to 2015 - the stage of growing polarization, the emergence of new players in the electoral field, and from 2017 to the present - the stage of stable instability, when the forces of the main actors are almost equal, but the existing red lines prevent the creation of stable governments. Calculation of such indices as the Effective Number of Parliament Parties and the fragmentation index confirm the validity of the proposed periodization.

The article examines the theory of "democratic platonism" by N. Urbinati in relation to the regime of the New state in 1933—1974. The image and style of Prime Minister Antonio de Oliveira Salazar allowed the Portuguese dictatorship to be endowed with the appearance of rationality and efficiency, which excluded liberalism and democracy from political discourse. Various practices in the field of politics, ideology, and law made it possible to create a closed-technocratic image of the Portuguese regime, legitimized by its rationality in the sense of anti-publicity. The influence of a number of philosophical concepts on the New state is considered, as well as the ideological and legitimation dimension of the Portuguese regime is problematized.

The article is devoted to the aesthetic features of one of the most significant trends in auteur cinema, which is called slow cinema.  Its inexhaustible creative potential is manifested in many modifications that have appeared in recent decades in world cinema. A cultural analysis of the work of several Russian and Ibero-American directors working in the aesthetics of slow cinema gives grounds to conclude that the obvious dissimilarity of the author’s styles does not exclude the creative proximity of filmmakers, using the methods of slow cinema.