No 3 (2024)

The article examines the state and prospects of inter-Korean relations, which are regarded as hostile at this stage in Pyongyang. Much attention is given to the analysis of the internal and international causes of the current aggravation of the military-political confrontation on the Korean peninsula. Contrary to the dominant point of view in the West about the exclusive responsibility of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) for the situation there, the author shows how the United States managed to block attempts at reconciliation between North and South by involving Seoul in various block combinations directed against Russia and China. This strategy gained additional synergy in 2022 with the beginning of the presidency of Yoon Suk Yeol, who came to power with the support of that part of the ruling elite of the Republic of Korea (ROK), which was entirely following the United States and advocated unification through the “absorption” of the DPRK. Realizing the futility of attempts to improve relations with the ROK before the end of the term of the ROK incumbent president, ending in 2027, the DPRK leader Kim Jong-un abandoned the very idea of unification, declared South Korea an “enemy state” and announced planned in this regard changes in the constitution and in the life of the country as a whole.

The article examines current trends in the development of relations between India and Taiwan. The author notes that relations between India and Taiwan began developing gradually since the 1990s. Since the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) came to power in Taiwan in 2016 and proclaimed the “The New Southbound Policy”, which coincided with the active development of the East direction of the Republic of India’s policy and at the same time the deteriorating of its relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the intensification of cooperation between the two sides began. The author analyzes the historical background for the development of relations between India and Taiwan and their modern vectors. It is noted that the most effective cooperation between the two sides is in the areas of economics, science and technology, as well as in cultural and humanitarian exchanges. Attention is paid to the reaction of the PRC to the development of cooperation between India and Taiwan. The author concludes that despite the development of economic and humanitarian ties along the Taipei – New Delhi line, India continues to adhere to the “one China policy” and is interested in a stable, predictable situation in the Taiwan Strait. The victory of DPP leader Lai Ching-te in the elections held in Taiwan in January 2024, as well as the results of the coming parliamentary elections in India in April–May 2024, as the author considers, will not change the general trends in the development of relations between the two sides.

The article is devoted to the issues of construction by the interim government of the Taliban of hydraulic structures in the northern regions of Afghanistan. In particular, it describes the progress of work on the Qoshteppa project, which is the most discussed in expert circles and at the level of governments of some countries in Central Asia, and which is capable of influencing the water regime of the Amu Darya under conditions of growing scarcity of hydro resources. A brief background of the Afghan state plans for the development of irrigated agriculture based on the waters of this transboundary river, the reasons for delaying their implementation, the prospects for the development of relations with neighboring countries on the joint use of water resources, technical specifications of the planned facilities, information on demography and the ratio of irrigated and rainfed agriculture in the Afghan northern provinces, as well as other projects under implementation, the likelihood of their realization, the impact of future facilities of the Amu Darya and other projects on the development of the national agrarian sector and the economic life of the Northern Afghanistan population in the process of implementation.

The article analyzes the causes of instability in one of the poorest countries in the world – Burkina Faso. The popular uprising in October 2014 was a consequence of the decolonization processes’ incompletion, which hampered the forward movement of the country’s development. The trigger was a change in the article of the Constitution, allowing President Compaore to remain in power for another term. The transfer of power to the military, many of whom were Compaore supporters, did not destroy the political system that existed before the uprising. Moreover, the state is becoming a target for Islamist groups infiltrating from neighboring Mali. Civilian President Kafando, who came to power in 2015, was unable to stop jihadist violence and ensure security in the country. The growing crisis of mistrust in the authorities was the cause of two military coups during 2022. Lieutenant Colonel Damiba, who carried out a military coup in January, did not stop jihadist violence. Another military coup in September of the same year was evidence of a split within the army. Captain Traore, who took power, was supported by the majority of the military and of the country’s population. His rejection of French armed forces presence, his intention to reform the army and desire to cooperate with Russia in the military, economic and humanitarian fields are supported by the majority of Burkinabés. This is confirmed by the presentation the Vladimir Putin International Prize in Ouagadougou, which will be awarded to outstanding African leaders for their contribution to the struggle for the liberation of the peoples of Africa.

This article focuses on the policy of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations regarding the implementation of multilateral projects in the Asia-Pacific region amidst the fragmentation of the global digital space. On identifying the directions of social digital transformation and major problems it generates, the study further proceeds to specifying its impact on ASEAN-centric formats and initiatives of multilateral cooperation to finally turn to assessing the energy dimension of ASEAN’s policies and its digital support. It has been revealed that the fragmentation of the digital sphere has a negative multiplier effect on the strengthening of conflict elements in relations between key global actors, and there are no instrumental opportunities to reduce their severity. The problems caused by digital transformation overlap with the bottlenecks of ASEAN-led multilateral projects and initiatives: the ASEAN Economic Community and the Comprehensive Regional Economic Partnership, which undermines the Association’s ability to create and enhance economies of scale to make the region an attractive space for production and commercial activities and negatively affects ASEAN’s status as a coordinator of Asia-Pacific multilateral policy dialogue and security issues.