Vol 15, No 3 (2024)

About the Issue

Progress and tradition in an era of change

Aksenova O.V.
Bulletin of the Institute of Sociology. 2024;15(3):8-12
pages 8-12 views

Topic of the Issue: Formation of Values: Dialectics of Innovative and Traditional

Medium-term forecast of the dynamics of life attitudes of Russians

Sheregi F.E., Privedentseva O.S.

Abstract

The article presents a method for forecasting trends in changes in mass consciousness in terms of life attitudes, i.e. those values according to which people try to build their lives. Modern applied sociology successfully uses the forecast of electoral and consumer behaviour of citizens. The time lag of forecast reliability: for electoral behaviour - 4-5 weeks, for consumer behaviour - up to a year. Forecasting for 10-20 years is practiced mainly in demography. It is more difficult to forecast changes in mass consciousness based on value attitudes of citizens. If we assume that the development of the state is evolutionary, then the combination of heuristic and mathematical methods allows us to forecast trends in the attitudes of the population aged 40 and older, as basic for the economic and political functioning of the state. In methodological terms, the article proposes a procedure for forecasting trends only, without claiming high accuracy of numerical indicators, with mandatory consideration of weak variability of basic numerical indicators measured as of 2024. To forecast trends, there were used data from an all-Russian representative sociological study, accumulated in integral indices, as well as in verbal constructs using factor analysis. The combination of these methods allowed to make a generally stable 20-year forecast of trends in changes in the life attitudes of Russians. As a tool for a detailed forecast indices as integrated indicators of the intensity and direction of a trend were used, and for a generalised forecast - verbal constructs formed on the basis of factor analysis. The choice of the subject of the forecast is based on the hypothesis that the "catalyst" of life attitudes are three components of life activity: the life trajectory chosen by the individual, including the preferred types of life activity; the identification of the individual with reference groups as a contact environment, a mechanism of value communication and self-realisation; the choice of forms of social behaviour by the individual based on the basic moral principles of people's life activity. These three aspects of the population's life activity are not only socially (phylogenetically), but also to a large extent biologically (ontogenetically) determined, therefore they are highly stable, that allows us to talk about the stability of the medium-term forecast of trends in the interval of up to 20 years. Thus, the article proposes the tested in an applied sociological study combined method of medium-term forecast of social groups' attitudes in a situation where repeated studies are not conducted to build a dynamic series of empirical indicators. The forecast presented in the article operates with indicators that are important for consideration in the practice of medium-term planning of the state’s social policy.
Bulletin of the Institute of Sociology. 2024;15(3):13-36
pages 13-36 views

Representations of the ethno-political situation in the North Caucasus in the regional media space

Avksentev V.A., Ivanova S.Y., Shulga M.M.

Abstract

The article presents the results of a content analysis of regional media, that was conducted within the framework of a pilot study of the methodology developed by the authors for analysing the problems and prospects for the formation of an all-Russian identity in the North Caucasus. The purpose of the study was to determine the structure and content of representations of the ethno-political situation in the North Caucasus in the media space of the region. The relevance of ethno-political issues in the North Caucasus is due to the fact that this is a frontier region, which, due to its geographical location, ethnic, religious and cultural characteristics, is an arena of various internal and external challenges. Monitoring the ethno-political situation is an important area of ​​research, both in theoretical and practical terms. One of the technologies of such monitoring is the analysis of representations of the ethno-political situation in the political discourse of the region. The political discourse of regional media is a thematically focused, socially conditioned system of news, analytical, and prognostic materials in regional media that builds a political picture of the world. Representations are the content of information messages on media resources of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation in the North Caucasus. The documentary base of the study consisted of 1,656 information messages posted on leading information portals and in non-ethnic media outlets of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation in the North Caucasus Federal District in April–June 2023. Five semantic categories of analysis were defined: 1) the practices used to strengthen the all-Russian identity; 2) politicisation of ethnicity; 3) the influence of foreign diasporas of the North Caucasian peoples; 4) threats and risks in the sphere of humanitarian security; 5) threats and risks in the sphere of socio-political security. The analysis of representations of the ethno-political situation in the political media discourse of the region allowed us to determine what kind of worldview is created and constructed by regional media: 1) prevails positive content about new practices of forming an all-Russian civic identity in the region, new traditions and rituals associated with the heroes of the North Caucasus Military District prevails; 2) potential risks of destabilisation of the socio-political situation in the North Caucasus are associated with the impact of the information war on the population, primarily young people; the growing threats of increased extremist and terrorist activity; problems of religious security in the region, which are presented in the media space in a very fragmentary manner.
Bulletin of the Institute of Sociology. 2024;15(3):37-54
pages 37-54 views

Orthodox activism as perceived by the population of the region: main frames

Bogatova O.A., Dolgaeva E.I.

Abstract

The article presents the results of a qualitative sociological study of Orthodox social activism and its social consequences, undertaken by the authors within the framework of the research project "Social Projects of the Russian Orthodox Church". An analysis of the mutual perception of Orthodox activists and the rest of the population of the region in terms of the implementation of Orthodox social initiatives allows us to identify four main frames of perception depending on the degree of awareness of secular subjects about their activities and attitudes towards interaction or avoidance of it: partnership, client, stereotyping and critical. The partnership frame is characterised by varying degrees of interest of permanent and situational (episodic) partners, the client frame is characterised by the perception of Orthodox charities and aid groups as substitutes for state institutions of social protection or education and the predominant disregard for their religious specificity. Stereotyping and critical frames, based on the attitude of distancing oneself from interaction with Orthodox activists and differing depending on the degree of awareness of their activities, can be considered as forms of negative self-identification of the non-church or weakly churched part of the regional society of their secular subjectivity in relation to Orthodox activists as bearers of alternative values ​​and lifestyle. The stereotyping frame is characteristic of citizens who are not aware of the extra-religious activities of activists (including both non-believers and believers who identify themselves as Orthodox), the critical frame is characteristic of disappointed activists. As a limitation for the institutionalisation of Orthodox social activity, the authors highlight the negative attitude of potential volunteers and activists to the installation of their churching as subordination to religious activity. The tendency to adopt Orthodox family values ​​and lifestyle is characteristic only of some employees of partner state organisations whose job responsibilities are related to the implementation of a social project to increase the birth rate. In general, the attitude to Orthodox initiatives of non-churched or weakly churched clients, partners, potential or former activists is characterised by a focus on separating religious and social activity and a lack of readiness to submit to religious discipline in the non-religious sphere.
Bulletin of the Institute of Sociology. 2024;15(3):55-78
pages 55-78 views

Network technologies as a tool for self-presentation of small religious groups (the case of Buddhism new for Russia)

Ostrovskaya E.A., Badmatsyrenov T.B.

Abstract

This article analyses the results of a long-term study of the strategies of the Russian-speaking Buddhist community in relation to the Internet and new media. The authors present the results of a study of two cases of Buddhist digital innovators - communities of the Russian-speaking branch of the International Dzogchen Community and Russian Theravada. The authors chose these two cases for analysis, since they are representative for the sociological consideration of the multidimensional connections between online and offline communications of Russian digital Buddhism. The subject of the study seems to be especially relevant, since in modern sociology more and more attention is paid to the study of the influence of media technologies, the Internet and social media on religious traditions, practices and forms of social organisation of religion. The reason for this is the deepening process of mediatisation of modern societies. It has brought with it fundamental transformations of various spheres of social activity. Religions are involved in the process of mediatisation, that poses a number of serious questions that require new answers unknown to their traditions. Thus, the digitalisation of sacred texts brings with it the devaluation of the tradition of canonical knowledge and interpretation of sacred texts. In this complex context of reformatting social reality, Russian traditional religions are developing their own reflections and responses to the risks of mediatisation. On the Russian-language Internet, Orthodoxy, Islam, Judaism and Buddhism are represented by a rich variety of websites of the corresponding religious communities and centres of various trends, podcasts, channels, publics, groups and blogs on social networks. And, as the results of sociological research demonstrate, the discussion of the correlation of the value-normative coordinates of everyday life with religious-doctrinal regulation serves as the semantic core of trans-local religious communications mediated by media. New digital media challenge religious traditional values, since they provide space and ways of forming new religious authorities, new ways of influencing a certain religious group. The study was conducted using a methodology developed by the authors, combining methods of mathematical modelling and qualitative sociology. The authors conclude that, paradoxically, non-traditional Buddhist organisations in Russia have adopted an innovative strategy and have proven to be very creative in attracting new media and promoting their own presentations in the public space. And the directions of Buddhism that have been institutionalised in the past 30 years, on the contrary, are conservative.
Bulletin of the Institute of Sociology. 2024;15(3):79-106
pages 79-106 views

Regional Identity in Russia and Abroad

Galicia and Donbass as Ideal models of regional identity: sociocultural roots of the confrontation between Western and Eastern Ukraine

Kosov G.V., Yarmak O.V., Garas L.N.

Abstract

The article examines ideal models of regional identity in Ukraine – Galicia and Donbass. It is emphasised that Ukraine, having become a sovereign state and appeared on the political map of the world in 1991, faced the problem of a pronounced mosaic of regions. Individual regions were included in Ukraine already formed as distinctive entities with stable features of culture and way of life of the population. The authors emphasise that on the territory of Ukraine there coexisted a number of territorial complexes that were rather weakly connected with each other, and their subordination to various states due to frequent changes in borders determined their complex interaction. The processes of changing the political affiliation of regions actualise the identification issue, and identity in such conditions turns into a kind of demiurge of reality and can act as the main, and sometimes the only source of meanings. The declaration of independence by Ukraine actualised historically formed contradictions, previously existing mainly latently. The article proves the existence of socio-cultural regions, unique ethno-territorial communities, creating a continuum with a clearly expressed dichotomy - Donbass and Galicia. Beginning from the first years of Ukraine's independence, the image of the new independent country as a great European power, the formation of which has always been hindered and continues to be hindered by Russia, was actively introduced into the consciousness of citizens. That is, a project was promoted based on Galician nationalism (with an emphatically Russophobic basis) and the concept of the "titular Ukrainian nation". In turn, regionalist sentiments in the Eastern Ukraine showed that regional identity can have great potential for the social integration of citizens. Since the 1990s, Donbass has often acted as an object of deliberate "otherness" on the part of the Ukrainian political and cultural elite, which was a contrasting background in the context of the practices of national construction in Ukraine. The authors conclude that the formation of Ukrainian national identity was carried out in a very contradictory manner and was characterised by a clear dominance of regional identity in the Eastern Ukraine against the background of the total promotion of the Galician project, and since 2014, its promotion has been carried out by armed means. However, the violent desire to level the regional identity of the inhabitants of the Eastern Ukraine launched the process of secession of the region - the self-proclamation of the DPR and LPR and their subsequent inclusion in the Russian Federation in 2022.
Bulletin of the Institute of Sociology. 2024;15(3):107-134
pages 107-134 views

The North-South problem: on the possibilities of comparing interregional inequalities in Italy and Russia

Kolomiecz V.K.

Abstract

The article examines the possibilities and scientific prospects of comparative studies of interregional differences and inequalities in Russia and Italy. These countries, located at a considerable distance, belonging to different geographical zones, cultural environments and civilisational areas, differ significantly in their global status. Despite the self-evident nature of these differences, they have long been perceived in both the Russian and Italian research traditions as countries subject to comparison. They act for each other - and to a large extent because of the same differences - as a conceptual resource, an element of the external environment and external surroundings, a source and factor of development. This comparability has its regional dimension. It extends to the field of research on interregional inequalities and contradictions, examining the dialectic of "center - regions" and forming a special comparative direction in terms of research methodology. This study is an excursion into the field of historical, sociological and political regional studies. The author evaluates the achievements and results obtained by domestic and Italian authors, as well as the prospects for scientific developments in this area. Interregional inequalities, inevitable for Italy, which was among the countries that "came second", given their relatively late introduction to the technogenic civilisation, have acquired the meaning and significance of a national problem. Almost from the moment of the emergence of a single Italian state, it has been known as the southern question. The North-South dichotomy in Italy is the embodiment of regional differences, disproportions, and contradictions. It reflected the conflict between the unification of traditionalist social structures and the need to preserve their diversity. This dichotomy remarkably seemed to anticipate the formula of the same name of modern times, which denotes the division and split of the modern global world into rich northern and poor southern countries. In conceptual schemes of variability, that is, on the one hand, unity and similarity, and on the other, differences between Russia and Italy, including in the field of comparative regional studies, contrasting comparisons, which were more or less rightfully attributed a constant character, have long prevailed. This established picture of variability has undergone significant modifications in the process of erosion of political subcultures of both the left and right persuasion, secularisation and rationalisation of public consciousness. The author concludes that the example of Italy shows how archaic social practices can be combined with modern technologies, and this can give rise to very bizarre social collisions.
Bulletin of the Institute of Sociology. 2024;15(3):135-155
pages 135-155 views

Problems of Education in Russia

Towards a scientific interpretation of the social effectiveness of education

Osipov A.M.

Abstract

The article substantiates the problem of the social effectiveness of education as the main scientific and practical product and, at the same time, as the area of theoretical integration of the sociology of education. Its solution is a prerequisite for overcoming bureau-pathologies and the transition from universal and bureaucratic management to scientific management of education. The approach to the social effectiveness of education is disclosed on the basis of the concept of its institutional functions, as the ratio of socially significant results to the total costs (including intangible) of education. The interpretation of this problem involves: determining the methodological role of sociology in solving this theoretical and applied problem; taking into account the entire spectrum of institutional functions (impact on all spheres of society, delay in results in time; irreducibility to a market service or pedo-centric and "competence" schemes); interdisciplinary interaction for the conceptualisation of social costs and results. The absence of the concept of "social effectiveness of education" in the current legislation of the Russian Federation creates a normative space for bureaupathologies in educational policy. Bureaucrats replace the public efficiency of education – a multi-component criterion of management quality – with project management that is advantageous to them. They ignore the extensive responsibility of education in society, breaking up its management into short projects, and in this the bureaucrats´ actions merge with neoliberal “modernisations” and pedo-centric “reforms”, leading education to a crisis, waste of state resources, and lagging behind in global competition. The author comes to the conclusion that in order to solve the problem of efficiency, a methodology for analysing public costs and results of education within the framework of its institutional functions is necessary. Successful development of the concept of public efficiency will ensure the accelerated development of the sociology of education in Russia against the background of global trends of shallow topics and theoretical disintegration of this branch of science. The latter, in the author's opinion, fully meets the priorities of Russian society, education and science.
Bulletin of the Institute of Sociology. 2024;15(3):156-171
pages 156-171 views

Prevention of extremism and terrorism in schools: experience of the republic of Dagestan

Adiev A.Z.

Abstract

The article presents the results of the study of preventive anti-terrorist educational work among students of general education schools of the Republic of Dagestan. It is noted that this work with school youth is carried out systematically and comprehensively with the participation of not only teachers, but also external subjects of preventive influence on adolescents from among representatives of law enforcement agencies, various ministries and departments authorised in the field of youth, information and state national policy, cultural and art figures, representatives of the official Muslim clergy, athletes, deputies, veterans of the Special Military Operation and other public opinion leaders. It was revealed that the main format of this work is a thematic preventive conversation with schoolchildren, that requires certain pedagogical skills and competencies. Using a formalised expert survey of school teachers and a series of research interviews, an assessment of the effectiveness of this activity was identified, as well as problems that hinder the improvement of the quality of anti-extremist educational work with Dagestani youth. Noting the importance and usefulness of this work, the interviewed teachers point to a number of problems and factors that reduce its effectiveness. The workload of teachers with "paperwork", frequent demands for various kinds of reports on the work done, formalism, holding events without taking into account the age and individual characteristics of students, incompetence, lack of understanding and support from the parent community, weak interest in such events from both teachers and schoolchildren and a number of other factors hinder the improvement of the quality of anti-terrorist educational work with Dagestani youth. It seems that the prevention of extremism and terrorism is part of the general educational impact of the comprehensive school institution on a child, raising him to be a moral, law-abiding and patriotic citizen. To improve the quality of this work, it is important to raise the authority of school teachers at the state level, since a teacher without authority is a bad educator for teenagers not only in the area of countering the spread of the ideology of extremism and terrorism, but also in the matter of spiritual, moral and patriotic education in general.
Bulletin of the Institute of Sociology. 2024;15(3):172-188
pages 172-188 views

Life Path and Career Trajectories of Russians

Dynamics of the event structure of the life course in Russia

Andreenkova A.V., Medvedeva A.A.

Abstract

The article presents the results of a comparative analysis of the life-event structure of generations of Russians based on empirical data from the Russian Social Survey (RSS) wave 9, comparable with ESS. The analysis showed that the life calendar of currently living generations of Russians is quite strongly structured - events occur in certain and rather narrow time intervals and in a certain sequence. A feature of the life calendar in Russia is a high concentration of all the basic events of the first phase of adult life in a narrow time interval, a short period of entry into adulthood. Events of the late stage of life show greater chronological diversity and scenario variability. Significant differences in the life-event matrix of generations in Russia were found, including an increase in the average age of onset of almost all basic life events, an expansion of the boundaries of age-related life stages, an extension of the path of growing up and the transition from maturity to old age, as well as diversification of life scenarios in the professional and family-marital spheres. When comparing the indices of standardisation of the main events between generations, a trend towards destandardisation of life paths was revealed: in older generations, the level of similarity is significantly higher than among younger generations. The main changes occurred in the generation of 1970-1979 and accelerated in the next generation of 1980-1989. Macro-demographic factors, as well as changes in socio-economic and historical conditions, the transition to a post-industrial society might be named among possible reasons. The trend towards destandardisation of life paths in older generations primarily affected people with a higher level of education, while in younger generations it acquired a broader social and class character; gender differences began to appear in the generation of the 1980s. The authors suggest that the increase in destandardisation of life paths may have multidirectional social and individual consequences. On the one hand, new opportunities for development, building a life path taking into account individual characteristics, talents and desires, greater flexibility of life trajectories, a decrease in normativity and social pressure. On the other hand, this may lead to increased uncertainty, social tension, increased inequalities, and a deepening conflict between “fathers and children,” which will increase social risks in the foreseeable future.
Bulletin of the Institute of Sociology. 2024;15(3):189-209
pages 189-209 views

High-ranking officials of the plenipotentiary representative offices of the President of the Russian Federation in the federal districts: recruitment channels and careers

Tev D.B.

Abstract

The article covers the analysis of the main recruitment channels for high-ranking officials of the plenipotentiary representative offices of the President of the Russian Federation in the federal districts. As the empirical basis of the study serves the biographical database, that includes information on 154 presidential bureaucrats as of April 2023. Recruitment of people from various socio-professional groups to the apparatus of the plenipotentiary representative offices reveals a number of trends caused by interacting push (specific features of the candidate's position and associated resources and interests) and pull (place in the power system and functional specialisation of the plenipotentiary representative offices, specifics of leadership positions in them, as elements of the opportunity structure, as well as personal connections) factors. One of the most important trends is militarisation: most officials of the plenipotentiary representative offices have work experience in law enforcement agencies and even spent there most of their previous careers. Recruiting security officials who are, in terms of career, “ideal-typical” federal officials and professionally socialised within the framework of rigid, centralised hierarchies probably strengthens the autonomy of the plenipotentiary representations from actors and interests external to federal power, including regional administrations, that these bodies are called upon to control. The logic of autonomisation is also in line with the fact that one of the main suppliers (especially direct) of key officials of the plenipotentiary representations is the Presidential Administration, first of all, the apparatus of the representations themselves. However, a significant minority of presidential officials have experience working in regional administrations (especially among deputies and assistants to plenipotentiaries), as well as in business, both public and private (especially among plenipotentiaries and their deputies). At the same time positions in these structures rarely serve as a direct springboard to a key position in the plenipotentiary representations. Finally, the role of legislative bodies as a channel for recruiting presidential officials is insignificant. In general, the author's findings are consistent with the results of previous studies, indicating the relative stability of recruitment trends.
Bulletin of the Institute of Sociology. 2024;15(3):210-232
pages 210-232 views

Scientific Discussions

Contemporary discourse on neocolonialism: an analytical review of research

Vershinina I.A., Liadova A.V., Martynenko T.S., Grigoreva E.A.

Abstract

The article provides an overview of contemporary research on neocolonialism. The work examines the history of the term "neocolonialism", as well as the main features of neocolonialism in the 21st century, including: the transformation of the nature, forms and methods of colonial influence, and changes in its scale. The main reasons for the interest in the problems of neocolonial studies are outlined, including a general change in research optics, the emergence of new forms of colonial dependence, etc. The prerequisites for the emergence of neocolonial studies in sociological science are indicated. The analysis of foreign studies demonstrates, on the one hand, the preservation of interest in traditional topics related to the colonial legacy in African countries, since they are still in the most vulnerable position compared to other former colonies, and on the other hand, an exit to a broader topic related to cultural neocolonialism in the context of globalisation, as well as the transformation of technology into an instrument of colonial influence. Modern domestic studies of neocolonialism have their own specifics, expressed, firstly, in the dominance of the economic interpretation of neocolonialism, secondly, they are often devoted to the study of the relationship between neocolonialism and globalisation and capitalism, thirdly, in the works of domestic authors special attention is paid to the position of Russia in the system of global neocolonialism. Based on the analysis of scientific discourse, the authors developed a typology of neocolonialism forms, that divides all forms into two large groups - traditional and new. Traditional forms include, first of all, economic and political neocolonialism. New forms include cultural and educational neocolonialism. The intensification of the digitalisation process and the increase in environmental risks at the beginning of the 21st century allow us to say that such forms of neocolonialism as environmental and digital are becoming increasingly important. Particular attention in the article is paid to environmental neocolonialism as a new, special form. The reasons for the growing interest in it and its impact on the political and economic spheres are also considered. The thesis of turning the green agenda into a new form of ideology, with the help of which the G7 countries implement policies that are beneficial to them, is discussed. The authors conclude that it is necessary to identify specific interests and values behind modern environmental initiatives.
Bulletin of the Institute of Sociology. 2024;15(3):233-256
pages 233-256 views

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