Vol 25, No 1 (2025)

The refl ection on age-related transitions in the direction from birth to death is presented. The main ideas of age transition in scientifi c discourse are highlighted: as a phenomenon of age-related development, which demonstrates the pace, methods and mechanisms of implementation of life programs adopted for action; as a transforming sociocultural phenomenon in a historical context; as a special semantic confi guration. The content of the concept of age transition as an intermediate position of a person is revealed, when new border zones and areas outside the representative age space open, when intense point feelings appear that enhance, transform or guide perception and understanding. The semantic existential of age-related transitions is objectifi ed through such meaningful characteristics as: the need to be understood by the Other, “without the right of return,” the motivating reason for the mechanism of further development or inhibition of development through the collapse of needs and loss of the meaning of life. Attention is drawn to the connectedness of age transitions, while at the same time the fact that each subsequent age transition cannot be exhausted by the knowledge of the previous transition is emphasized. The content of the transition is determined by both individual characteristics and contextual factors. New phenomena associated with age transitions are brought into the discussion: delayed maturation, the return of the fi gure of the “eternal child” with his emotions, passions, aff ects, with festival culture (games, entertainment) and a culture of reasoning, built on the devaluation of the experience and knowledge of previous generations, for in which further age stages become a continuation of childhood, which will never end, stages of life “for oneself”. The features of the age-related transition to an old age are shown as the transition to a special atmosphere, including the formation of a special personal profi le, life experience, selectivity in social interactions in the direction of creating trusting contacts and emotional involvement in them. The analysis of a number of factors that complicate the transition to old age in modern conditions is made: subjective rejection of one’s own old age, increasing intergenerational distance and confl icts.

The sociological approach to the study of happiness makes it possible to include sociocultural factors in the subject fi eld of felicitary research. Considering happiness as a multi-level and dynamic phenomenon allows us to raise the question of its nonlinearity and temporality. The article puts forward the hypothesis about the infl uence of social fears and the level of subjective self-esteem of happiness on the formation of models of delayed happiness. The article is based on the results of the sociological survey of the residents of Russian cities aged 18–60 (n = 1170). The typology of the respondents was constructed the basis of their emotional state, and fi ve types were identifi ed on the basis of their dominant emotions. The repertoire of social fears and the frequency of their manifestation are described, the relationship with emotional type and assessment of the level of happiness is shown. The generational approach made it possible to record the points of diff erence in the manifestation of emotions, fears and postponement of happiness among representatives of three generational groups. A higher severity of signs of delayed happiness was recorded in the younger generation. The infl uence of social fears on the formation of delayed happiness was proved. As the feeling of fear represses felicitary emotions, their dualism reveals dynamism through the emergence of patterns of postponing happiness. 

The article substantiates the need to institutionalize the integration of migrants based on negative demographic trends in Russia. The authors analyze migration theories and propose the basis of the institutional approach as a methodological basis for the formation of integration models of migrants into the host community. The authors substantiate the importance of analyzing migration behavior as part of the integration process, not only of the migrating, but also of the host community. The results of sociological surveys conducted in 2017 (N = 485) and in 2024 (N = 1400) are presented and show the contradictory dynamics of the host community’s willingness to integrate with non-ethnic migrants. On the one hand, the positive dynamics of the growth of the Russian community’s need for socio-cultural integration with migrants was revealed, and, on the other hand, priority requirements for visitors were identifi ed, such as compliance with cultural norms (93.9%) and Russian laws (88.6%). The survey results show that Russians’ request for socio-cultural integration with migrants has come out on top compared to the 2017 survey. The problem of full-fl edged institutionalization of the migration process is confi rmed by the polarization of the perception of migrants as “their own” (44.5%) and “strangers” (40.2%) during a long stay in the reception society. The conclusions substantiate the need to develop an adaptive model of migrant integration in the context of migration fl ows transformation. It is believed that the formation of social institutions aimed at solving the problems related to the interaction of diverse cultural communities within a common location space will allow for developing the adaptability of the host communities in the conditions of changing the quality and structure of migration flows.

The questionnaires of mass telephone surveys include a socio-demographic block, consisting, as a rule, of standard questions about gender, age, income level, region of residence, type of settlement, occupation, level of education, etc. Most of these questions were developed many years ago and are used non-refl exively from a survey to a survey by the researchers who believe that these time-tested questions continue to work eff ectively. However, the methodological analysis presented here shows that the application of most of them is fraught with signifi cant problems, and a satisfactory solution to many of them has not yet been found. The article analyzes the problems of measuring the income level, occupation, the region of residence of the respondents, the type of settlement and level of education. The solutions to some of these problems were proposed and implemented in the surveys by the Social Research Institute (Samara). At the same time, most of the diffi culties have yet to be overcome.

The policy of “cancelling” the achievements of Russian culture, carried out by the “collective West”, has become the subject of public and academic debate in recent years. The main questions that participants of these discussions have focused their attention on today are: is the “cancel culture” in its current liberal version a culture, or a manipulative technology hostile to culture; is the “cancel culture” a phenomenon of modern politics, or does it have historical roots; how should Russian society and the state respond to the hostile actions of the West? The issue of the infl uence of Western sanctions against Russian culture, as well as the eff orts of domestic politicians and scholars to develop a strategy to counter these sanctions on the process of forming political identities of the younger generation of Russian citizens, remained outside the subject fi eld of discussions. The article notes that contradictions in theoretical discussions about the nature and purpose of the “cancel culture” give young citizens reason to doubt the readiness and ability of the Russian state to give an adequate response to hostile actions on the part of the West. The article formulates and substantiates a variant of such an answer.

. At the present stage, youth is considered to be one of the key factors in the modernization of all spheres of society. Due to psychophysical characteristics of this demographic group (health level, high activity, availability of a large amount of free time, low involvement in society, mobility, increased intellectual search), young people can act as a driving force of change and innovation in the country. The country’s elite understands necessity for attracting young people to the offi cial political space. In addition, the elite views this demographic group as a channel for their own rejuvenation. At present, it is relevant to study the processes of renewal of regional Russian elites on the example of the Tomsk region. The purpose of this work is to reveal peculiar features of the electoral activity of young people as candidates for deputies to the Tomsk region Legislative Duma. The data for a comparative study of information about candidates for deputies for the period from 2007 to 2021 were obtained from the offi cial website of the Electoral Commission of the Tomsk Region: State Automated System “Elections” (SAS “Elections”). Analysis of four election campaigns from 2011 to 2021 revealed an increase in the number of young candidates nominated and elected on party lists. Chances to participate in elections as self-nominees are very low for young people. Most of the self-nominated candidates are not registered as candidates. The reason lies in the complex character of the process of collecting signatures that requires signifi cant material costs. During four election campaigns from 2007 to 2021 not a single young self-nominated candidate managed to become a deputy of the Legislative Duma of the Tomsk region. In the ranking of non-parliamentary and parliamentary parties that attract young candidates, the LDPR occupies a special place. This party attracted a signifi cant number of young candidates during all of the four election periods that were studied. This fact can be explained by the traditional youth focused programmatical principles of the party. When analyzing the list of young candidates who won, an average portrait of a young deputy was formed. 

The issue of interaction between non-state actors and public authorities is one of the key issues in public policy studies in terms of the analysis of decision-making process, features of political communication with non-state actors, as well as the participation of civil society representatives in specialized state advisory bodies. Traditionally, business community representatives have been the most active participants in the communicative interaction with public authorities as part of the decision-making process. Principles of the state regulation of business associations in the Russian Federation have been defined in the article. Main GR-technologies of business associations have been identified through a series of expert interviews: participation in coordinating authorities, regulatory legal acts examination, activities on public control and industry self-regulation. As part of legal analysis, the state regulation of business associations has been assessed and the institutional environment assessment of their activities has been carried out. The described model of business associations in modern Russia is considered to be hybrid, implying the coexistence of independent NPOs and the system of chambers of  commerce and industry with voluntary membership. As part of the legal analyses of the state regulation of business associations in modern Russian, as well as the existing industrial GR-mechanisms the conclusion has been made regarding the existence of the mechanism of indirect regulation of business and government interactions, despite the absence of specialized legislation.

The purpose of this article is to consider positions of various authors on the most important aspects of the transition to a sovereign model of Russian education. Based on the method of discourse analysis, scientific publications of the last three years in various publications on the designated topic are considered. The conducted analysis of the literature showed that in fact all the considered researchers agree that the problem of sovereignization of Russian education is a strategic, basic task, without the solution of which it is impossible to fully implement all other strategic goals in the economic, social and cultural spheres in the domestic and foreign policy of modern Russia. However, with regard to specific content of state policy on the formation of a sovereign model of education, such unity in assessments does not exist. The positive perception of measures to strengthen patriotic education of Russian youth in Russian schools and universities does not remove a number of reasonable questions regarding objective need for other steps on the normative, institutional and substantive design of this sovereign model. Declared rejection of the Bologna system has not yet been officially supported by specific characteristics of new levels of education.