No 9 (2024)

In April 2024, Rwanda commemorated the 30th anniversary of the Tutsi genocide, which claimed the lives of almost 800 thousand people. The consequences of this tragedy still affect all aspects of the political and economic life of the country, including the relationship between representatives of its two largest peoples – the Tutsi and the Hutu, who strive, although not always successfully, to live in peace and harmony. The government of Paul Kagame is actively promoting the ideology of “Rwandanness”, i.e. blurring the lines between different ethnic groups, and pursues the policy of “national unity”, but selective repression carried out with impunity by security forces and the provision of special preferences to Tutsis in the areas of employment, education, etc. hinder the integration process. Largely due to Western assistance, the regime managed to achieve considerable success in the economic field, although inequality between different groups of the population persists, becoming an important conflict factor. While successfully ensuring its survival through total control, the Kagame regime simultaneously creates the preconditions for problems that future generations of Rwandans may have to face.

Development of the Punjab crisis by the early 1980s along with separatist activities aimed at the secession of Punjab and establishment of an independent Khalistan state in the North-West of India prompted the central government headed by Indira Gandhi (1917–1984) to go to the length of sanctioning an army operation codenamed Blue Star in early June 1984. Its aim was to remove the militants headed by charismatic Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale (1947–1984) who had taken cover in the Golden Temple (Harmandir Sahib) complex in Amritsar. Hundreds of civilians, mostly Sikhs, fell victims to the operation Blue Star, parts of the temple complex were severely damaged, and unique manuscripts and books were destroyed in fire. In the collective memory of the Sikhs, this tragedy is sometimes interpreted as teeja ghallughara (‘third massacre/carnage’) or genocide of the followers of Guru Nanak (1469–1539), the founder of Sikhism. With June approaching, every year the tragic events of 1984 become part of India’s news feed representing an important argument in the rhetoric of political parties and communities.

The article is devoted to the study of targeted initiatives of Germany in one of the most priority regions for European countries – the Sahara-Sahel region. The relevance of the research topic is determined by events related to anti-French and generally anti-European sentiments in such countries as Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger. The events in Niger provoked the withdrawal of French forces from the country. Against this background, Germany is trying to pursue a chance to strengthen its military presence in the country by maintaining a military base, as well as through social, investment and humanitarian projects. The author analyzes the events of 2023 that occurred in Niger and compares them with the behavioral model of Germany, explaining the causal relationships between the actions and interests of the country in the region. An analysis of the statements of German officials regarding the situation in the region makes it possible to determine what tasks Germany faces as a separate state and as one of the driving forces of the European Union. Conclusions are drawn regarding Germany’s current priorities, its competitive opportunities in the field of security, investments and humanitarian projects, as well as possible scenarios for the development of the situation in the region, taking into account German activity.

Over the past few years, West Africa has become one of the most turbulent regions in the world and has shocked the world community with a series of military coups. However, escalating tensions between the “rebel states” and ECOWAS have received the most attention. ECOWAS has a wide range of means to exercise pressure on its member states. One of the most powerful is sanctions, but after the recent military coup in Niger, as a result of which the Community imposed unprecedentedly harsh sanctions against the state, the situation has changed radically. The authors list factors that determined the order and reasons for the particular political and economic sanctions before the coup in Niger, analyze the events after it. The paper dwells upon mechanisms of their economic and political impact on the economy of “rebel states” and the long-run efficiency in changing their foreign policy direction. The authors conclude that the economic sanctions have had a negative impact on the sustainability of the long-term development of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, which forced them to adopt compromise transition plans. However, sanctions turn out to be inefficient in trying to change the political regime to the one desired by ECOWAS. The disintegration of the association as a result of the creation of the Alliance of Sahel States can be considered a result of the ECOWAS sanction policy.