No 3 (2026)

Neurointerfaces (NF) have unique functionality that allows access to human cognitive activity, which is associated with a specific risk of unauthorized interception of cognitive control. This risk calls into question fundamental human rights to freedom of expression and legal capacity. It also raises the question of human subjectivity, in situation when a person's personality can be replaced by a technological interface, and responsibility for actions which is taken under external control. The situation is exacerbated by the rapid growth of the neurotechnology market, which has outpaced the development of regulatory frameworks and technical standards. The author argues that this creates a «window of vulnerability» in human neurosociety. An analysis of the scientific literature and reports from international organizations has allowed us to conclude that a new direction is being formed in the national security system, related to ensuring information security in case the use of NF. This trend is global, and most of the world's developed IT countries. At present, this new area of human, societal, and state neurosociety is at the stage of concept and regulation design. This requires integration with existing mechanisms to ensure information, scientific, technological, and defense security. Due to the fact that interaction between humans and NF is based on specific NF, ensuring neurosociety must be based on requirements for appropriate neuroalgorithms and protocols. This conclusion is supported by global and national scientific research priorities, which focus on developing innovative neuroalgorithms that adhere to ethical principles, transparency, and explainability.

The article examines the possibilities of applying a new methodological approach - the media go-along method. In the context of the mobile turn and the rapid development of networked and flow-based structures that form complex hybrids of institutions and interactions in the form of augmented reality, digital research faces significant methodological challenges. The limitations of existing digital ethnographic tools for studying online spaces are outlined, and the need to turn to the potential of mobile ethnography is substantiated. The article proposes key interpretations of this methodological approach, provides a substantive description of each, and systematizes the characteristics that unite them. For mobile ethnography, mobility functions both as an object of inquiry and as an original methodological technique. Particular attention is paid to one of the innovative methods of mobile ethnography - media go-along. Technically, this method represents a synchronous combination of interviewing and observation and reflects the broader trend toward the hybridization of techniques and methods in contemporary sociology. The shared experience of movement within and between digital platforms by the researcher and the informant makes it possible to explore patterns of user behavior that remain invisible when using classical methods. Based on the application of the media go-along method, its advantages and limitations are summarized, and prospects for its use in contemporary internet research are outlined.

This article examines the complex relationship between the relative income shares of parents in nuclear families and the time allocated to parental labor in the Russian context. Drawing on contemporary sociological and economic frameworks, the study investigates whether a shift in economic resources within a couple leads to a more balanced distribution of childcare responsibilities. In addition to primary income dynamics, the research accounts for a comprehensive set of determinants, including parental characteristics such as gender, age, educational attainment, employment status, and disability. It also incorporates child-related factors, including the total number of children in the household, the age of the youngest child, and child disability status, alongside macro-level variables like average household income per member, settlement type, and the distinction between weekdays and weekends. The empirical analysis is based on microdata from the 2019 Comprehensive Observation of Living Conditions (VNFSV) conducted by Rosstat. This dataset is particularly robust as it utilizes the time-diary method, which minimizes recall bias and ensures high precision in estimating actual daily time budgets. The findings reveal that a woman's economic resources exert only a limited influence on the division of domestic labor. Specifically, while an increase in a mother's relative income allows her to reduce time spent on routine physical childcare, it does not trigger a reciprocal increase in the father's contribution. Paternal involvement remains largely unresponsive to economic incentives, indicating that traditional gender role patterns and cultural matrices take precedence over rational resource distribution within the couple. Consequently, these results challenge the prevailing assumption that women's economic autonomy is a sufficient catalyst for the egalitarianism of parental labor, suggesting that deeply rooted gender norms continue to shape the domestic sphere in Russia.

This article explores the activation of political identity among young people from various Russian regions through their subjective experience of relocating to megacities in Central Russia. To address the research question - what triggers the activation of political identity, and how does regional identity create a context for young people's reflection on their political identity? - a phenomenological analysis of in-depth interview with young respondents was conducted. Using techniques of interpretative analysis, it was found that the political identity of young people undergoes a process of formation and is activated in metropolitan settings due to both the social context in which they become immersed and the physical context that enables them to recognize their involvement in the political agenda. Thus, political identity is shown to be not only subject to transformation but also to interact with other forms of self-identification, moving beyond the conceptual vacuum in which it is traditionally studied. Key outcomes of this study include the authors' development of an original theoretical model and the adaptation of the operationalization of political identity - commonly used in Western identity studies - to the specific Russian context. This contributes to the expansion of the field of complex empirical research on political identity and its interplay with other forms of collective identity.

This paper presents the results of an empirical study examining Russian public perceptions of informing in the fight against crime. It offers data demonstrating contradictory attitude towards informing among representatives of various population groups ranging from support to complete rejection. Over 85% of academic experts believe that citizens are ready to inform law enforcement agencies about crimes, but they are constrained by public condemnation of such actions. Among police officers surveyed, the dominant opinion (86%) is that society features a negative attitude towards informing. Almost two-thirds of police officers consider it as a necessary method of combating crime, but at the same time informing does not fully comply with generally accepted moral standards. Sociological surveys conducted by the Public Opinion Foundation (FOM) indicate that citizens' readiness to inform authorities does not extend to all offenses. The authors express the opinion on the need to conduct active explanatory work among the population to perceive the citizens' cooperation of with law enforcement agencies as a socially useful and socially encouraged type of activity.